Join us this Sunday, January 11th at 7pm as we welcome back historian Patrick Hannum as we discuss the events in Virginia after the Battle of Great Bridge. The results of the British loss at Great Bridge had profound impacts on Dunmore’s plans in Virginia which led to the destruction of Virginia’s largest city. Was Norfolk burned by Dunmore as has been popularly understood or is the story more complicated? What became of the former slaves that joined Dunmore’s army? Tune in and learn about the events in Virginia in the winter 1775 – spring 1776. This Revelry is pre-recorded and will be posted to our Facebook page on Jan. 11 at 7pm and also to our You Tube and Spotify channels.
Category: Militia (Patriot) Leadership
“The Old Wagoner” and the Beginning of the American Revolution
In honor of the 250th anniversary of the Battle of Quebec, we reshare guest historian Scott Patchan’s post on Daniel Morgan during the Canadian Campaign of 1775. This post originally posted in December 2015.
When the situation deteriorated to outright rebellion against the crown, Morgan raised a regiment of crack riflemen from Frederick County, and marched them to Boston in twenty-one days to take part in the siege of Boston. There, he served under his former commander from the French and Indian War, General George Washington. Morgan learned the hard way that orders must be followed. He once allowed his riflemen to exceed orders in firing upon British positions at Boston. Washington called Morgan on the disobedience, and Daniel thought that he would be cashiered from the army. Washington, however, relented the next day, but Morgan had learned a valuable lesson about following orders.
In the fall of 1775, Washington sent Morgan as commander of three companies of Continental riflemen on a mission to capture Quebec from the British. Morgan’s command marched with the column of Colonel Benedict Arnold. They traversed the Maine wilderness, rowing up stream to the “Great Carrying Place,” where carried their canoes and bateaux for great distances overland to another series of streams and lakes that took them to Quebec. As the cold weather set in, sickness and hunger overtook the column and Arnold sent those unfit for duty back to the rear. After covering 350 miles, the American arrived in front of Quebec in early November, surprising the British.
Although Morgan wanted to attack immediately and utilize the element of surprise, he was overruled and the small American force besieged Quebec, waiting for another column under General Richard Montgomery to arrive from the Hudson Valley. When a British party sallied forth and captured one of Morgan’s riflemen on November 18, Arnold believed the British would come out and fight in the open. As such, Arnold drew up his army in front of the fortifications to meet them. They declined his offer and instead looked down on the ragamuffin Americans from the ramparts and exchanged taunts and catcalls. The overall situation frustrated the irascible Morgan, and when his men complained that Arnold was not giving the riflemen their fair share of rations, the “Old Wagoner” violently argued with Arnold, and nearly came to blows with the future traitor. Morgan departed Arnold, leaving him with angry warning about poor treatment of the riflemen. From that time forward, Morgan’s command always received their fair share of the army’s rations.
Montgomery’s column arrived on December 5, and the Americans commenced setting up his mortars and artillery outside of Quebec. The Americans finally attacked during a snowstorm in the early morning darkness of December 31, but their force numbered only 950 men. Arnold’s column came under fire as it moved toward the ramparts of Quebec, and a musket ball struck Arnold taking him out of action. Although Morgan was not the senior officer, the others insisted that he take command, having seen actual combat which they had not. Morgan later noted that this “reflected credit on their judgment.” At Morgan’s order, his riflemen rushed to the front, armed with both their Pennsylvania rifles and a spontoon for the assault while some carried ladders to storm the walls. They quickly drove a small force of British away and closed in on the walls.
(courtesy of British Battles)
Morgan ordered the men up the ladders and first one gingerly began the climb. Morgan sensed his hesitancy, pulled him down and scaled it himself, shouting, “Now boys, Follow me!” The men instantly complied, and Morgan reached the top of the wall where a volley of musketry exploded, knocking him back to the snow-covered ground. The burst burnt his hair and blackened his face; one ball grazed his cheek and another pierced his hat; but Morgan was otherwise unhurt. Stunned he laid motionless on the ground for a moment, and the attack stopped, his men thinking him dead. But he soon stirred and clambered up the ladder to the cheers of his men who followed suit. This time he stopped before reaching the top, and hurtled himself over the rampart into the midst of the enemy. He landed on a cannon and injured his back and found British bayonets levelled at him from all directions. While the British focused on Morgan, his riflemen poured over the wall and came to his rescue, driving off Morgan’s would-be impalers. Morgan kept up a close pursuit of the British who offered weak resistance to the attacking riflemen. Although Morgan had broken into Quebec, the main body of Arnold’s division failed to follow the riflemen over the wall and exploit the opportunity at hand. Morgan captured much of the lower portion of Quebec with only two companies of his riflemen. He later described the breakdown that occurred:
“Here, I was ordered to wait for General Montgomery, and a fatal order it was. It prevented me from taking the garrison, as I had already captured half of the town. The sally port through the (second) barrier was standing open; the guard had left it, and the people were running from the upper town in whole platoons, giving themselves up as prisoners to get out of the way of the confusion which might shortly ensue. I went up to the edge of the upper town with an interpreter to see what was going on, as the firing had ceased. Finding no person in arms at all, I returned and called a council of war of what few officers I had with me; for the greater part of our force had missed their way, and had not got into the town. Here I was overruled by sound judgment and good reasoning. It was said in the first place that if I went on I should break orders; in the next, that I had more prisoners than I had men; and that if I left them they might break out and retake the battery we had just captured and cut off our retreat. It was further urged that Gen. Montgomery was coming down along the shore of the St Lawrence, and would join us in a few minutes; and that we were sure of conquest if we acted with caution and prudence. To these good reasons I gave up my own original opinion, and lost the town.”
Montgomery never arrived; he had been killed in the first blast of musketry against his column, and his command broke. As time went on, the British regained their composure and pushed back against Morgan’s command. Morgan went back and brought up 200 New Englanders who joined the riflemen as they attempted to renew the attack. Now, the previously undefended point, was well manned, and daylight illuminated the paucity of Morgan’s numbers. Nevertheless, Morgan pressed them back further into the town to an interior fortification. A brave British officer led a counterattack, but Morgan personally shot him dead and disrupted the assault. Nevertheless, the time for action had passed. The British had become aware that Morgan’s was the only active American force in the city and closed in around him. In the meanwhile, additional British forces reoccupied the gates Morgan had initially taken and trapped him in the city. Morgan had no choice but to surrender his small command.
(courtesy of British Battles)
Morgan and the other officers enjoyed a liberal captivity with generous quarters in a seminary. The British officers visited them often and remained on friendly terms with the Americans. Morgan developed a dislike for some of his fellow officers whom he regarded as dishonest and scheming, and his fighting skills were brought to bear on at least one occasion when several men teamed up against big Dan Morgan. The imprisonment ended when the British returned the American officers on September 24, 1776, in New Jersey. Morgan returned to his wife and two daughters at his home outside of Battletown or Berryville, where he awaited his proper exchange. While there, he named his home “Soldier’s Rest,” as he recuperated from the trials of the taxing expedition to Quebec. The war was still young, and the Continental Army would soon be calling upon his services again. A special command of riflemen was being organized and Morgan would be its commander.
The Battle of Quebec
Emerging Revolutionary War welcomes guest historian Andrew J. Lucien. Brief bio of Andrew follows the post.
Bunker Hill, Valley Forge, Yorktown, July 4, George Washington. These are the most common images that come to mind when the American Revolution is mentioned by most people. The collective unconscious of America has become steeped in the imagery of glorious American victories to win our independence from the superpower of the time. However, what many are unaware of is the unusual campaign that took place from 1775 to 1776, in an attempt to gain the support of Canada in our quest for independence. This campaign featured several battles, with the key one being the Battle of Quebec. This marked a significant turning point in the campaign and the war as a whole.
In 1775, the fate of the impending schism between Britain and its North American colonies was all but sealed. The colonial fervor had reached a climax at the Battles of Lexington and Concord in the spring of 1775, setting the mother country and its colony down a path of armed conflict. As tensions rose in 1775, Ethan Allan, along with Benedict Arnold, captured the British fort at Ticonderoga in early May, resulting in much-needed guns for the colonials. With successful action undertaken in the northern reaches of New York state, the Continental Congress approved plans to invade Canada. Intelligence led the patriots to believe that there were fewer than 700 British soldiers stationed in the Canadian territory and that the popular sentiment in the territory was in favor of rebellion, and that they, too, might take up arms against the British Crown.
By late September, Ethan Allan unsuccessfully attempted to capture Montreal. Near the same time, Benedict Arnold began to lead a force of around 1,100 men from Boston on an enterprise aimed at aiding in the capture of Canada (only about 600 would reach their destination). These men would eventually join forces with Richard Montgomery’s force around Quebec in December of 1775, “to finish the Glorious work you begun,” to quote George Washington. By the time Arnold’s men reached Canada, they were “in a very weak condition.” Montgomery’s force was moving north from Lake Champlain. His men captured Fort Chambly and Fort St. Johns. Following these captures, the force under Montgomery advanced on Montreal. The British governor, Guy Carlton, took approximately 150 men with him from Montreal to Quebec, believing it to be a more important and defensible position. Montreal was easily captured on the 13th. Montgomery did not rest long after capturing the fort, leaving a small garrison in Montreal and heading to join forces with Arnold’s men at Point aux Trembles. Montgomery, “…was anxious, after the capture of Chamblee, St. Johns and Montreal, to add Quebec, as a prime trophy to the laurels already won.”
With the combined force of Montgomery and Arnold now outside of Quebec, Montgomery sent Carlton multiple messages to surrender, which were all rejected. Upon hearing the refutation of his final offer, Montgomery was supposed to have said he would “dine in Quebec or Hell at Christmas.” Finally, with all other options seemingly exhausted, it was planned to forcibly take the city by sending Arnold’s corps to assault the lower town via St. Roque. Montgomery was to attack the lower town via Pres-de-Ville, near Cape Diamond. There was to be a fient east of St. John’s Gate under Colonel Livingston and one at Cape Diamond under Major Brown. The ultimate goal was to meet in the lower town, then storm the upper town.
Around midnight as the 31st began, clouds began to fill the sky and snow began to fall. This was a signal to the Americans to begin preparing for an assault, using the snowstorm as cover. By 2 a.m., the American troops began their movements. At about 4 a.m., Captain Malcolm Fraser saw flashes and lights on the Heights of Abraham. Fraser suspected that the lights were a sign of the American troops’ movement and ordered his guards to arm. The British began to play their drums and ring their bells to alert the men of Quebec to prepare for the city’s defense. The Americans launched two rockets to signal the beginning of their assault. With the rockets illuminating the early morning sky, the rebels began to fire their muskets into the British line. With the darkness of the morning still upon the soldiers, the British were unable to see their opponents, except when their muskets would flash and illuminate their heads. They used the flash of the muskets to guide their return volleys. The Americans began to launch artillery into Quebec from St. Roque. When Arnold saw the rockets in the morning sky, he led about 600 men from St. Roque to attack the British works at Saut-au-Matelot. Montgomery led his force of about 300 men to attack the works at Pres-de-Ville. Montgomery believed that this location was ripe for an escalade.
Arnold and the rest of his column advanced along the waterfront through St. Roque. The British sailors stationed there rained fire down on the Americans from atop the ramparts. The Americans “could see nothing but the blaze from the muzzles of their muskets.” As the Americans pressed forward, they lost the cover of the houses. Arnold was hit in the leg by enemy fire near the first barricade, and he was taken from the field by two men. Arnold tried to rally his men as he was taken away. Despite the setback, the Americans under Daniel Morgan pressed forward and used their ladders to scale and capture the first barricade at Saut-au-Matelot, along with 30 British troops. Here, the Americans found their muskets useless due to the snow. Many colonial troops resorted to confiscating British muskets. The Americans continued about 250-300 yards further to attempt to capture the second barrier, where they met opposition from the British. The Americans, on a narrow street, moved against the British, who had their own strong defenses, including a 12-foot-high barrier, cannons, and two lines of soldiers ready to repulse the attacking Americans. The British fired down on the Americans from the tops of the buildings. The colonial troops attempted to climb the barrier but were forced back by the British inside with their bayonets fixed. They then fired from under the cover of the houses, allowing the British to see them only as they moved from house to house. The attackers contemplated retreating; however, they tarried, ultimately a dire mistake. Carleton, aware of the developing assault, men to attack the flank of the Americans. With the Americans now flanked and facing stiff opposition in front, they surrendered to the British force.
Montgomery and his men suffered a far more deadly fate. As his column approached Pres-de-Ville, Captain Barnsfair had his men next to their guns and at the ready when the Americans arrived. The British had erected a barrier here with a battery. The Americans advanced within 50 yards of the British guns and halted, then resumed their advance, likely because they believed the soldiers were not on guard. Barnsfair “declared he would not fire till he was sure of doing execution, and… waited till the enemy came within… about thirty yards’ distance” and then called out, “fire!” “Shrieks and groans followed the discharge.” The fire of canister, grapeshot, and musketfire was deadly. When the fire stopped, the field of battle was clear with no rebels left standing on the field. Montogemery was one of the casualties of the action, found lying on his back with his arm still in the air. Seeing the folly of another assault, the remaining men retreated. An officer of Carlton’s declared the battle “a glorious day for us, and as compleat a little victory as was ever gained.” When the dust settled, the Americans suffered about 50 killed, 34 wounded, and 431 captured or missing, while the British defenders lost only 5 killed and 14 wounded. The fighting had lasted only around 4 hours.
Bibliography:
“An Account of the Assault on Quebec, 1775,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 14, no. 1 (1890): 47–63.
Blockade of Quebec in 1775–1776 by the American Revolutionists (les Bastonnais). Historical event, Quebec City, 1775–1776.
Caldwell, Henry. The Invasion of Canada in 1775. Quebec: Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, [microform].
Hatch, Robert McConnell. Thrust for Canada: The American Attempt on Quebec in 1775–1776. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1979.
Henry, John Joseph. Account of Arnold’s Campaign Against Quebec, and of the Hardships and Sufferings of That Band of Heroes Who Traversed the Wilderness of Maine from Cambridge to the St. Lawrence, in the Autumn of 1775. Albany: Joel Munsell, 1877.
Bio:
Andrew Lucien is a social studies curriculum director at the Cleveland Metropolitan School District, host of The Civil War Center podcast, and founder of thecivilwarcenter.com. He has written extensively on the Civil War and Revolutionary War.
A Letter from William Prescott to John Adams
Approximately two months after waging the defense of Breed’s Hill, on the Charlestown peninsula, against the British, Colonel William Prescott put quill to paper to write to John Adams. In this communique, he discussed the action at Breed’s Hill, known as the Battle of Bunker Hill, fought on June 17, 1775, to his fellow Massachusetts native. Take note that he even wrote his account about the orders he received and which hill that missive directed him to. Since the waft of smoke has drifted from the battle on that June day, veterans, officers, and historians have debated why Prescott and company chose Breed’s Hill instead of Bunker Hill. This letter is just another wrinkle in that timeless debate.
Camp at Cambridge August 25.1775
Sir
I have recd. a Line from my Brother which informs me
of your desire of a particular Account of the Action at
Charlestown, it is not in my Power at present to give so
minute an Account as I should choose being ordered to decamp
and march to another Station.
On the 16 June in the Evening I recd. Orders to march to Breeds
Hill in Charlestown with a party of about one thousand
Men consisting of 3 hundred of my own Regiment, Coll.
Bridge & Lieut Breckett with a Detachment of theirs, and
two hundred Connecticut Forces commanded by Capt.
Nolten, We arrived at the Spot the Lines were drawn by
the Enginier and we began the Intrenchmant about 12, o Clock
and plying the Work with all possible Expodition till Just
before sun rising, when the Enemy began a very heavy
Canonading and Bombardment, in the Interin [Interim] the
Enginier forsook me, having thrown up a small Redout,
found it necessary to draw a Line about 20 Rods in length
from the Fort Northerly, under a very Warm Fire from
the Enemys Artilary, About this Time the above Field
Officers being indisposed could render me but Little Service,
and the most of the Men under their Command deserted the
Party. The Enemy continueing an incessant Fire with their Artilary.
about 2, o Clock in the afternoon on the seventeenth the Enemy
began to land a northeasterly Point from the Fort, and I orderd
the Train with 2 field Pieces to go and oppose them and the
Connecticut Forces to support them but the Train marched
a different Course & I believe those sent to their support
followd, I suppose to Bunkers Hill, another party of
the Enemy landed and fired the Town, There was a party of
Hampshire in conjunction with some other Forces Lined
a Fence at the distance of three score Rods back of the Fort
partly to the North, about an Hour after the Enemy landed
they began to march to the Attack in three Columns,
I commanded my Lieut Coll. Robinson & Majr. Woods
Each with a detachment to flank the Enemy, who I
have reason to think behaved with prudence and Courage.
I was now left with perhaps 150 Men in the Fort, the Enemy
advanced and fired very hotly on the Fort and meating
with a Warm Reception there was a very smart firing on
both sides. after a considerable Time finding our
Amunition was almost spent I commanded a sessation
till the Enemy advanced within 30 yards when we gave
them such a hot fire, that the [y] were obliged to retire
nearly 150 yards before they could Rally and come again
to the Attack. Our Amunition being nea [r ]ly exaustid could
keep up only a scattering Fire. The Enemy being numerous
surrounded our little Fort began to mount our Lines and
enter the Fort with their Bayonets, we was obliged to
retreat through them while they kept up as hot a fire
as it was possible for them to make we having very few
Bayonets could make no resistance, we kept the fort
about one hour and twenty Minutes after the Attack with
small Arms, This is nearly the State of Facts tho’ imperfect &
too general which if any ways satisfactory to you will
afford pleasure to your most obedient humble Servt.
William Prescott
To the honble John Adams Esqr.
Rev War Revelry: The Battle of Great Bridge with Patrick Hannum
Join us this Sunday as we welcome historian Patrick H. Hannum, as we discuss the events leading up to and including the Battle of Great Bridge, fought on December 9, 1775. Patrick will also share his research of the men who were there at the battle and the long lasting impacts his small battle had on Virginia in the American Revolution. With the 250th anniversary of the Battle of Great Bridge upon us, this is a great time to catch up on the events in Virginia during the fall of 1775.
Patrick H. (Pat) Hannum served for 45 years the Department of Defense, 29 years as a U.S. Marine (Assault Amphibious Vehicle Officer), including battalion command, and 16 years as a civilian professor at the Joint Forces Staff College, National Defense University, where he specialized in operational-level warfare and Phase II Joint Professional Military Education. He continues to study and promote the history and relevance of the American Revolution through membership in the Norfolk Chapter of the Sons of the American Revolution and the Great Bridge Battlefield & Waterways History Foundation, including staff rides, battlefield tours and other educational venues.
This Rev War Revelry will be recorded and placed on our Facebook page this Sunday at 7pm and subsequently on our You Tube and Spotify Channels. So after you fill up on turkey and football, tune in to catch a little history!
Rev War Revelry: The Culpeper Minutemen of 1775
One of the first infamous miltiary units in Virginia during the American Revolution was the Culpeper Minute Men. Remebered and memorialized throughout the years, we welcome James Bish back to discuss the history of the men, the unit and what role they played in the early days of the Revolution in Virginia.
Jim will also talk about some of the upcoming commemorative events planned around the 250th anniversary of the formation of the Culpeper Minutemen. To learn more about the events, visit: https://culpepermuseum.com/culpeper-minutemen-250th-anniversay-week/ . This Rev War Revelry is recorded and will be posted to our Facebook page on Sunday, October 5th at 7pm. It will also be posted to our You Tube and Spotify channels.
The Coming of War in Culpeper Virginia, 1775
By guest author James Bish
Two hundred fifty years ago Culpeper residents were uneasy. Virginians were in a war of words with their mother country, as evidenced by the published Culpeper Resolves of 1774 against England’s abuses. Little did they know that by the end of 1775 fighting men from Culpeper would be at the forefront to depose the British government from Virginia forever.
On March 23, 1775 Patrick Henry rose to speak at the Second Virginia Revolutionary Convention held at Richmond’s Saint John’s Church. The Convention’s presiding officer, Peyton Randolph, gave Henry the floor as debate swirled concerning approving a resolution forming and arming of Virginia Patriot militia forces. In attendance were Culpeper’s representatives Henry Pendleton and Henry Field Jr. as were Fauquier County’s representatives, and future Culpeper Minutemen, Thomas Marshall and James Scott. Henry stated:
speech at St. John’s Church
“Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace but there is no peace. The war has actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
Thomas Marshall later told his son, also future Culpeper Minutemen and U.S. Chief Justice John Marshall, that the speech was “one of the boldest, vehement, and animated pieces of eloquence that had ever been delivered.”
As Henry predicted a gale did come down from the north in the form of British troops trying to control arms and gunpowder stockpiles on April 19 in Lexington and Concord, Massachusetts, resulting in the first bloodshed of what Henry predicted as “the clash of resounding arms.” Just weeks earlier, William Legge, Earl of Dartmouth, Britain’s Secretary of State for the colonies, issued a warning to the Royal Governors and suggested they take control of such gunpowder and weapon strongholds. He especially targeted the governors of Massachusetts and Virginia.
News of the events in Massachusetts was still over a week away in Virginia when early in the morning of April 21, colonists in Williamsburg awoke to find royal marines removing the gunpowder from the public powder magazine. Virginia’s Royal Governor, John Murray, Earl of Dunmore, ordered the aggression respecting Dartmouth’s warning. This “Gunpowder Incident”, ignited the already simmering spark of discontent and suspicion between Dunmore and the patriot colonists.
Henry quickly formed some local militias into companies near Williamsburg and requested militia’s throughout the colony to muster. In northern Virginia, Fredericksburg became the rendezvous location for local militias. In Culpeper County men from throughout the area quickly assembled in their traditional muster and drilling location of Major Philp Clayton’s field by Mountain Run, today’s Yowell Meadow Park. Once organized, Culpeper Captain Edward Stevens marched his Culpeper militiamen to Fredericksburg joining other county militias.
Dunmore was well aware that Henry was actively recruiting militias to march on Williamsburg. Henry publicly called for Dunmore to return the powder or pay for its value, £330 (near $18,000 today) or patriot forces would march against him. As the situation escalated, Dunmore reportedly said, “I have once fought for the Virginians, and by God I will let them see that I can fight against them.” On May 3, after over ten days of maneuvering, Dunmore agreed to Henry’s monetary demands as peace was preserved. Militia’s throughout the colony, including those of Culpeper in Fredericksburg, were ordered to return to their home counties. The Gunpowder Incident proved to be a milestone event in Virginia’s turn towards revolution. As 1775 moved into summer open rebellion against royal authority began and Culpeper residents prepared for the upcoming conflict.
Earlier, in March 1775, Culpeper County representatives, Henry Field Jr. and Henry Pendleton, attended the Second Virginia Convention where Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton were selected as delegates representing Virginia at the Second Continental Congress. Field and Pendleton knew the representatives well from their years in the House of Burgesses. They especially knew George Washington who earlier served as Culpeper County’s first surveyor and Edmund Pendleton was Henry Pendleton’s uncle. On May 10, 1775, the Second Continental Congress convened in Philadelphia.
After the Battles of Lexington and Concord and Virginia’s gunpowder incident, the first order of business for the Congress was to prepare for war. On June 14, 1775, Congress voted to establish the Continental Army which incorporated patriot forces already in place in Massachusetts and New York while also raising the first ten companies of Continental Army troops on a one-year enlistment. These included two regiments of Virginia riflemen, one raised from Berkeley County (now in West Virginia) led by Captain Hugh Stephenson and the other from Frederick County led by Daniel Morgan, along with rifle regiments from Pennsylvania and Maryland. The very next day, Congress unanimously elected George Washington as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army and he immediately departed for Boston.
Meanwhile, Boston area patriots learned that the British were planning to fortify the unoccupied hills surrounding the city, which, if successful, would give the British control of Boston Harbor. Patriot leader William Prescott quickly responded, utilizing his 1,200 troops to occupy and build defense works on Bunker and nearby Breed’s Hill. At daybreak on June 17, the British mounted an attack against them. The Boston patriots fought gallantly, and enacted tremendous casualties upon the British, but eventually they ran out of ammunition allowing the British to control the high ground of the Peninsula. Newly assigned commander, George Washington, had just arrived in New York on his way to Boston when he received news of the battle and the death of patriot Major General Joseph Warren (for whom Warrenton, Virginia was later named).
Minute Men muster site in Yowell Meadow
Park, Culpeper, VA
On July 8th, 1775, Congress directed each of the colonies to start forming land and naval military units. Virginia’s Third Convention assembled in Richmond on July 17, 1775 and began drafting legislation for the defense of Virginia titled, “An Ordinance for raising and embodying a sufficient force for the defense and protection of this Colony.” Following the guidance of Congress, an ordinance was worked upon to create a Committee of Safety to govern Virginia and to prepare for war. Although the details of the legislation took over a month to form, the earliest specifics created 16 military districts from Virginia’s 62 counties. Each military district was to support a 68-man regular, or rifle, company and a ten-company minute battalion of 500 men in preparation for war.
On August 21, 1775 “An Ordinance for raising and embodying a sufficient force for the defense and protection of this Colony.” was read for a third and final time and then passed unanimously by the delegates of Virginia’s Third Convention. On August 25th Alexander Purdie’s Virginia Gazette published the ordinance as directed by the Convention. Delegates worked strenuously on the ordinance for over five weeks before getting passage. George Mason wrote, “I have not since I came to this place, except the fast-day of Sunday, had an hour which I could call my own – this is hard duty.” This was by far the largest ordinance produced by any of the Conventions as it contained over 13,000 words and took up six pages of Purdie’s eight-page Gazette. Earlier readings of the ordinance alerted many leaders throughout Virginia to begin the process of recruiting, possibly as early as late July and certainly by the first week of August, to fulfill the legislation’s manpower needs. The ordinance created 16 military districts including the Culpeper District, which also included Orange and Fauquier County.
This legislation meant that the Culpeper Military District was now tasked with providing manpower of almost 600 men including officers. In August, the local delegates, Thomas Marshall and James Scott from Fauquier County, Field and Pendleton from Culpeper, and Thomas Barbour and James Taylor from Orange returned home to aid in the recruitment throughout their district. For the first time, Fauquier, Culpeper, and Orange County men were recruiting for war, not against the Native Americans, the French, or the Spanish. This time they were recruiting for war against their own British empire.
Each military district was to raise one 68-man regular or rifle company in addition to the 500 man minute battalion, rank and file, from the age of 16 to that of 50, to be divided into ten companies plus officers. Every man enlisted was required to “furnish himself with a good rifle, if to be had, otherwise a tomahawk, common firelock bayonet, pouch, or cartouche box, and three charges of powder and ball.” If the minute-man was not able to furnish his arms, they were to be supplied at public expense. Six privates were allowed one shared tent from the public supply. For pay, the Battalion Colonel was allowed 15 shillings per day, Lt. Colonel 12 shillings, and a Major 10 shillings. The pay for Captains and lower ranks was the same as Culpeper’s Regular Company at 6 shillings per day, Lieutenants at 4 shillings, Ensigns at 3 shillings and Privates earning one shilling and four pence per day. The difference in pay came from days a year in service. Both privates for the regular rifle company and the minute battalion were enlisted for a year’s service. However there was certainty that the rifle company would be away from home during the year while the minute battalion might not get called up, meaning that they would be paid for local drilling of 76 days per year instead of 360. As a result, the regular rifle company recruits expected to earn a yearly pay of 480 shillings/year while a minute battalion privates were guaranteed 101 shillings, that is of course unless the minute company was activated, which the Culpeper Minute Battalion was.
In the newly formed Culpeper Military District local leaders met and made commitments for recruiting individual companies and decided to meet on September 1st in the central county of Culpeper at the traditional militia muster site of Philip Clayton’s property just west of Culpeper Court House. It seems clear that some of the most experienced riflemen and former militia veterans would make up the district’s needs for the 68-man rifle company that would be incorporated into either Patrick Henry’s 1st Virginia Regiment or William Woodford’s 2nd Second Virginia Regiment. Certainly military district rifle competitions pushed the expert riflemen toward the rifle company. However, some expert riflemen appreciating the idea of remaining at home most of the time, chose to stay in the minute battalion. Because of its size, recruitment for the manpower needs for the ten-company minute battalion was going to be the greatest challenge.
In Fauquier County, Delegates Thomas Marshall and James Scott began recruiting officers and in turn, those officers were charged with recruiting the needed manpower for each company to fulfill Fauquier’s obligations. Besides Marshall and Scott, officers placed in charge of recruiting their own companies included William Pickett, John Chilton, William Blackwell, George Johnston, Elias Edmunds, Francis Triplett, and William Payne. Orange County leaders Lawrence Taliaferro, Richard Taylor, Joseph Spencer, John Williams, and Willliam Taliaferro began recruiting their own companies. In Culpeper County, highest ranking militia officers, John Green and Edward Stevens, took the lead in recruitment efforts. Other Culpeper leaders recruiting included Abraham Buford, John Jameson, William McClanahan, George Slaughter, Philip Clayton, and James Slaughter. Their upcoming muster on September first at Clayton’s Field would determine how effective their August recruitment efforts were.
As the September first rendezvous approached, recruiting captains from each of the three counties of Orange, Culpeper, and Fauquier made plans to meet at Clayton’s muster field along Mountain Run. It appears that the many recruitment captains had their specific areas in the region they had recruited. In Culpeper, Abraham Buford recruited in southwestern Culpeper County (today’s Madison County), John Jameson recruited close to the village of Culpeper Courthouse, William McClanahan northwestern Culpeper County into present day Rappahannock County. James Slaughter recruited in the area of Culpeper Courthouse and south and east to the Rapidan River. John Green recruited the northeastern areas of the county.
In Orange County Joseph Spencer recruited in southeastern Orange. His recruits journey to Clayton’s muster field has been recorded. Spencer made an initial rendezvous location of his recruits at “Porter’s Old Courthouse” probably on August 31st. In 1775 this property was owned by Charles Porter and it had been the site of the first Orange County Courthouse from 1738 until 1749 before the courthouse was moved to near present-day Orange. The first courthouse location today is on the eastern side of Route 522 just northeast, and on the hill, from E.V. Baker’s Store. From that location it is roughly 12 miles to Clayton’s muster field, roughly a half-day march. It is assumed that other recruiters made rendezvous in a similar fashion, however many of the recruits in Culpeper County probably just sent word to directly meet at Clayton’s field.
Most of the Culpeper Military District recruits likely arrived by September 1, but some probably lingered into the next few days. There the recruited men would have been sworn in, given rank, and told their paygrade. The Committee of Safety would have also been involved fulfilling the officer ranks and in reducing the number of minute battalion companies and captains to ten. Some of the recruiting captains filled senior officer ranks and their recruits were assimilated into other companies to complete their needed numbers. Certainly rifle competitions were held and most of those who were most skilled filled into John Green’s Rifle Company. There appears to have been enough good riflemen above the 68 needed for the rifle company and they were placed in a variety of the battalion companies. John Green of Culpeper County led the rifle company as Captain with Richard Taylor of Orange 1st Lt. and John Eustice of Fauquier as 2nd Lt. The senior leaders of the Minute Battalion were Col. Lawrence Taliaferro from Orange, Lt. Col. Edward Stevens from Culpeper, and Major Thomas Marshall from Fauquier. The 10 Battalion Company Captains included Abraham Buford, John Jameson, William McClanahan, and John Williams, all from Culpeper; William Blackwell, John Chilton, William Pickett, and James Scott from Fauquier; and William Payne and Joseph Spencer of Orange.
Sixteen year old recruit, Philip Slaughter penned a diary account of which we get an image as to what Clayton’s muster site appeared. According to Slaughter,
courtesy of the Sons of the American Revolution
“Some had tents, and others huts of plank, etc. The whole regiment appeared according to order in hunting shirts made of strong, brown linen, dyed the color of the leaves of the trees, and on the breast of each hunting shirt was worked in large white letters the words, ‘Liberty or Death’ and all that could procure for love or money bucks’ tails, wore them in their hats. Each man had a leather belt around his shoulders, with a tomahawk and scalping knife. The flag had in the center a rattlesnake coiled in the act to strike. Below it were the words, ‘Don’t tread on me.’ At the sides, ‘Liberty or Death’ and at the top, ‘The Culpeper Minute Men.’
The According to Culpeper’s Ensign David Jameson, the Culpeper Battalion “was raised in less than three weeks.” The men on Clayton’s field proved to be special in liberating Virginia from the British. Leadership on the field was not in shortage. On that field was a brother (Ambrose Madison) to a future president (James Madison), a father (Richard Taylor) to a future president (Zachary Taylor) and future Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court (John Marshall) among countless other state leaders. Slaughter also stated, “During out encampment an express arrived from Patrick Henry, commandant of the First Virginia Continental Regiment, by order of the committee of safety, then sitting in the city of Williamsburg, requesting the Minute Men to march immediately to that city. The Minute Men immediately made ready.” It is not known for sure when the Virginia’s Committee of Safety issued the request to “March immediately,” but John Green’s Regular Rifle Company certainly left Culpeper in late September for the 140-mile march of roughly six days arriving by October 4. The Culpeper Minute Battalion followed a few weeks later and arrived in Williamsburg by October 23.
Between late September and mid-October 1775, over 600 Culpeper Military District recruits marched from the muster and drilling site of “Clayton’s Old Field” in response to Patrick Henry’s request of immediate mobilization to Williamsburg for the protection of Virginia. The Culpeper deployment proved to be by far the largest deployment from any location in Virginia in 1775-76 to answer the call of defending the Commonwealth from the British. While every Virginia Military District fulfilled their requirements for a regular company, Culpeper’s “Minutemen” were Virginia’s only fully-manned minute battalion to respond in Virginia’s critical hour of need. After arriving at Williamsburg, Culpeper’s expert riflemen immediately moved into action against Lord Dunmore’s Royal and Loyalists forces. The rifle company was immediately pressed into action guarding James River crossings while the minute battalion was immediately ordered to protect the local magazine, and like the rifle company, James River crossings. Upon arriving Slaughter continued to tell about their arrival in Williamsburg stating, “Many people hearing that we were from the backwoods, near the Indians, and seeing out dress, were as much afraid of us for a few days as if we had been Indians; but finding that we were orderly and attentive in guarding the city, they treated us with great respect.”
Although there were many “riflemen” in the battalion, Slaughter also stated, “The Minute Men were chiefly armed with fowling-pieces and squirrel-guns.” Upon arrival, Col. William Woolford designated Captain Abraham Buford, and a hand-selected company of minute battalion riflemen, to move immediately, marching through the night of October 26, to defend Hampton from attack by a British naval squadron. Hampton would be there first of several weeks of fighting Lord Dunmore and his mixed force of Regulars, Loyalists and former slaves.
For more information on commemorative events this fall commemorating the Culepeper Minute Men, visit the Culpeper Museum at https://culpepermuseum.com/
Rev War Revelry: The Last Men Standing, Book chat with author and historian Gabe Neville
Join us this Sunday at 7pm on our Facebook page as we welcome historian and author Gabe Neville back to Rev War Revelry. Gabe has just finished and published one of the most comprehensive Revolutionary War unit histories ever written. Focusing on the Eighth Virginia Regiment, Neville’s book titled “The Last Men Standing, The Eighth Virignia Regiment” is a must have for anyone’s library. We will talk with Gabe about his research, interesting tidbits of his book and what let him to this project.
This presentation witll be LIVE at 7pm on Sunday, August 24th. Tune in and share any thoughts or questions in the chat. Gabe is always a fun chat, so grab a drink and enjoy learning about his in depth research on the 8th Virginia Regiment.
“Commanding the respect of all who see him” George Washington Takes Command in Cambridge, MA – July 3, 1775
On July 3, 1775 George Washington formally took command of the Continental Army in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Appointed Commander-in-Chief by the Second Continental Congress on June 15, 1775, Washington arrived in Cambridge on July 3, 1775 and assumed command of a disorganized and poorly supplied force besieging British troops in Boston. His leadership would begin the transformation of colonial militias into a unified fighting force capable of challenging British military power.
Washington’s assumption of command occurred at a time when the American colonies were transitioning from protest to open rebellion. The battles of Lexington and Concord in April 1775 had already ignited armed conflict, and the Battle of Bunker Hill in June had demonstrated that colonial forces could stand up to British regulars, though at great cost. Washington understood the gravity of his new role. In a letter to the President of Congress, he wrote humbly, “I am truly sensible of the high Honor done me in this Appointment… I do not think myself equal to the Command I am honored with.” This characteristic modesty was paired with a strong sense of duty and resolve.
On July 3, Washington appeared before his troops on Cambridge Common, dressed in a blue coat with buff facings, signifying his Virginian roots. There is no official transcript of a speech he may have delivered that day, but contemporary accounts describe a solemn and determined atmosphere. One observer, Reverend William Emerson, noted in his diary, “General Washington… is a tall and noble-looking man, commanding the respect of all who see him.”
Washington immediately set to work imposing discipline, organizing supply chains, and creating a chain of command. Though former commander of the army, Major General Artemus Ward, worked hard on instilling discipline, he was not a man that instilled a lot of confidence. Washington was appalled by the state of the army, writing in frustration to Congress: “The Army… is in a very improper condition to carry on a vigorous War.” He introduced regular drills, uniform codes, and standardized procedures, striving to turn the disparate bands of militiamen into a functioning army. As historian David McCullough noted, “It was Washington’s presence alone that gave the army cohesion.”
Despite his military inexperience—Washington never commanded an army of this size—he brought a unifying vision and moral authority. His appointment was also politically astute, bridging the regional divide between New England and the southern colonies. A Virginian leading New England troops sent a clear message of unity in the face of British oppression.
The Cambridge encampment remained Washington’s headquarters until March 1776, when he successfully forced the British evacuation of Boston by fortifying Dorchester Heights with cannons brought from Fort Ticonderoga. This early strategic victory, achieved without major bloodshed, was a major morale boost and affirmed Congress’s faith in their commander.
In retrospect, July 3, 1775, was the beginning of an enduring legacy of leadership and a love of Washington by his men and officers. Through discipline, vision, and personal integrity, he began shaping a ragtag collection of volunteers into the Continental Army, laying the groundwork for American independence.
Colonel William Prescott
Dedicated in 1881 and made of bronze, the statue of Colonel William Prescott stands over nine feet tall. Although the man who stood steadfast on the earthen parapet of Bunker Hill was not quite that tall. Yet, on June 17, 1775, the men of New England looked up to the approximately 50-year-old that day.
A National Park Service page on Colonel Prescott and Bunker Hill is titled, “A Glorious Immortality.”An account that was passed down about the Massachusetts militia officer vividly describes why he deserves that moniker.
“The breast work or redoubt was only constructed of such earth as the party had thrown up after the middle of the night and was not more than breast high to a man of medium height. Colonel Prescott being a very tall man, six feet and two or three inches in height, his head and shoulders and a considerable portion of his body must have been exposed during the whole of the engagement. He wore a three-cornered cocked hat and a ban-yan or calico coat. After one of his men was killed by cannon ball, Prescott, perceiving that this had made some of the soldiers sick at heart, mounted tile para-pet and walked leisurely around it, cheering his soldiers by approbation and humor. His clothing was repeatedly spattered with the blood and the brains of the killed and wounded.”
Leadership. Example. Personal bravery. He was also one of the last to leave the earthwork as the British captured it.
He now stands, in bronze, watching over the scene where he proved he was a match for the moment.
Emerging Revolutionary War Era 