Emerging Revolutionary War welcomes guest writer, historian Kenneth Bancroft
Leesburg, Virginia. Tuesday, July 9, 1776. “…News that the Sanhedrim (1) had declared the thirteen united Colonies Free and Independent States. That this was intended by the Northern Colonies from the first, I am well convinced…” (2) These are not the words one expects when talking about the Declaration of Independence, but to a 26-year-old entrepreneurial Englishman caught in a revolution that he neither wanted nor supported, this was the worst news ever. (3)
The Journals of Nicholas Cresswell is an informative source on the Revolutionary War from what could be considered a ‘Tory’ point of view. It is a personal account that shows that the struggle for freedom was not just on the battlefield but also in the streets and homes at the end of the colonial era. Nicholas Cresswell was an outsider from the moment he stepped on American soil in 1774 and heard news of the siege of Boston, noting that the colonists “talk as if they were determined to dispute the matter with the Sword.” (4) For two years, Cresswell observed the American colonies descend into rebellion, “The people here are Liberty mad, nothing but war is thought of.” (5)
When the colonies officially separated, Cresswell felt despair and anger instead of hope. Cresswell’s intention was to set up life as a farmer, but misfortune and bad timing foiled his plans. He blamed the “cursed Rebellion” for turning this “earthly paradise to a Hell upon terra firma.” (6) Constantly under the suspicion of the local committees tasked with enforcing the Continental Association as a suspected ‘Tory’ spy, he grew to despise the Continental Congress as vile and hypocritical. “The Congress under the fallacious pretense of nursing the tender plant, liberty, which was said to thrive so well in American soil, have actually torn it up by the very root.” (7)
Cresswell could not help himself and always got into political discussions in the bars and houses of Virginia. “At Dinner had a long dispute with Doctor Jacson about the origin of the present proceedings…Most of the company agrees that I had the better of the argument. But never so much embarrassed in my whole life.” (8) He even chided General Washington as a yeoman farmer “Negro-driver” (9) and a and was befuddled that he kept evading General Howe. Ultimately, he did decide that he was a decent General.
In the end, Cresswell decided that Virginia, for all of its bounty, was lost and returning to England was his only option. After three years of surviving the storm of a revolution, he made his slip to British lines. While technically not a Loyalist, (10) Cresswell provides critical details on the otherwise missing narrative of Loyalism in the colonies, especially Virginia. His last act dramatically involved him in a plot to free English sailors and soldiers from a jail in Alexandria Virginia. Some of the conspirators were well known merchants in Alexandria. (11) Thankfully Cresswell’s account exists to inform how a revolution hits the home front and the profundity of independence at that time.
July 4, 2026 is not only the 250th anniversary of America’s birth, it’s also the 200th anniversary of the near-simultaneous deaths of Thomas Jefferson and John Adams. It’s one of the greatest coincidences in American history: the two Founders most responsible for independence died on the 50th anniversary of Independence Day.
John Adams, 1816
Jefferson was 83; Adams 90.
Nearly toothless, nearly blind, Adams could hardly get around. He lacked the vigor that had once let him walk miles a day for exercise. Jefferson had been slowly wearing down from an aggravated prostate problem and, by 1826, was taking large daily doses of laudanum as treatment.
Both knew they were well into their twilights. When asked to appear at commemoration ceremonies for the 50th anniversary of the Declaration, both declined. Aware their respective conditions prohibited robust orations, let alone travel to get anywhere. Adams cited his “feeble state” while Jefferson his “ill health.”
Jefferson did muster a beautiful message to be read aloud in his absence. He knew it was likely his last public message and so summoned all his powers of eloquent penmanship.
“[T]he mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favor, few booted and spurred, ready to ride the legitimately, by the grace of God.” Adams, true to form, kept things blunt in his written message: “Independence forever. Not one word more.”
On July 4, 1826, Jefferson went first. He had been in declining health for days and by July 3, had been fading in and out of consciousness, barely hanging on. Late in the day, he woke to ask his granddaughter, “Is it the fourth yet?” Jefferson understood the symbolic power his death would have if it came on such an auspicious occasion. He had no way of knowing that his revolutionary partner/rival/friend in Quincy, Massachusetts was also on death’s door. Adams had collapsed quite suddenly on the morning of the fourth—apparently a heart attack—deteriorating throughout the day.
Thomas Jefferson, 1821
Jefferson lingered into July 4 and died at 12:50 p.m.—a bust of Adams watching over him from across his study. Adams died at 6:00 that evening, unaware that his old friend had preceded him by just a few hours. He was pleased to think that Jefferson, his junior, would outlast him. “Thomas Jefferson survives,” he said.
The statement had a powerful, dramatic flare, that makes such a perfect, tidy ending to the story. Although not literally accurate, Adams knew, even then, that Jefferson’s optimistic, aspirational vision of American history had triumphed over his own more realistic take on events. Adams hated the romanticized version of the American founding that had sprung up. How ironic that his death and Jefferson’s and the Declaration 50th anniversary all coincided—as romantic a flourish as possible for the end of the Revolutionary Era.
July 4, 1776 was not an unusual day when it began for Thomas Jefferson. It started off as any normal Thursday. Jefferson documented that he woke up around at dawn on the second floor of the Jacob Graff House at the corner of Market and 7th Streets. He spent the morning shopping in nearby Philadelphia stores. He documented the temperature that day at an ironic high of 76 degrees (much cooler than the expected 100+ degree heat on July 4, 2026). As he perused the stores on Philadelphia that morning, he purchased seven thermometers as well as women’s gloves. Jefferson also noted donating one shilling six pence to charity.
Jefferson was on hand as the Second Continental Congress convened at 9:00am in the Assembly Room of the Pennsylvania State House. The day before, Jefferson sat through discussion on editing his draft of the Declaration of Independence. He would also spend this morning listening to others editing down his document by one-third. Jefferson took great offense to the edits and preserved his original draft for posterity.
Jefferson used this chair in the Graff House to write the declaration. Today the chair is on display at the American Philosophical Society
After some time spent finishing the edits to Jefferson’s Declaration, the Congress approved the document later that morning. Congress then ordered local printer John Dunlap to print 200 copies of the Declaration now known as the “Dunlap Broadsides.” Dunlap worked quickly to set his printer’s type and began printing the copies the night of July 4th. For Jefferson and the other members of Congress, the rest of the day was spent on various items around defense, relations with native tribes and other committee work. No noted celebration of the occasion of passing the Declaration. Congress also directed John Adams, Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson to design a new “Great Seal” for the new nation. [2]
It was not until later in life did men such as Adams and Jefferson give the day its prominence in American ethos. Though Adams called on Americans to celebrate July 2, today we celebrate the day that the Declaration was adopted. Both days are surely worth their own celebrations.
[1] – Jefferson the Virginian by Dumas Malone, pg. 229.
[2] – Letters of Delegate of the First and Second Continental Congresses,1774-1789. edited by Edmund C. Burnett
Do you remember those 1970s-era TV commercials for Heinz ketchup? A young boy, with his glass ketchup bottle turned upside down over a hamburger, waits for the ketchup to flow. In the background, Carly Simon sang, “Anticipation”: “It’s making me wait. It’s keeping me way-yay-yay-yay-yay-yay-yayting.”
Had Carly Simon been alive 250 years ago, I have no doubt her song would have been playing in the background for Thomas Jefferson on June 29, 1776. The day before, June 28, he and his four colleagues on the “Committee of Five” had formally submitted their draft of the Declaration of Independence. Congress accepted the draft, but delegates were not yet ready to take up the document as a piece of business. They would not do so until July 1.
This Sunday at 7pm on our Facebook page, join ERW historians and guests as we discuss the road to independence on this 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. We will unwind some of the myths and misconceptions of the summer 1776 events in Philadelphia. Why do we celebrate July 4th and not July 2nd? Who really wrote the Declaration and what do we know about the debates around independence. This is a great way to get ready for your July 4th celebrations!
This Rev War Revelry is pre-recorded and will be posted to our Facebook page and You Tube Channel at 7pm on Sunday, June 28th.
On June 12, 1776 in Williamsburg, Virginia, the Fifth Virginia Convention took a momentous step in defining new American liberty. The Virginia Declaration of Rights stands as one of the most influential political documents in American history. Adopted on June 12, 1776, it established a comprehensive statement of individual liberties and principles of government at a pivotal moment in the struggle for independence from Great Britain. Written primarily by George Mason, the Declaration articulated ideas about natural rights, popular sovereignty, freedom of the press, religious liberty, and the limits of governmental power. Its impact extended far beyond Virginia, influencing the United States Declaration of Independence, the United States Constitution, and the Bill of Rights.
The Virginia Declaration of Rights emerged during a period of revolutionary change. Colonists increasingly believed that British policies violated their rights as Englishmen and threatened their political freedoms. In response, revolutionary leaders sought not only independence but also a clear statement of the principles upon which a new government would rest. The Virginia Declaration of Rights provided such a foundation, becoming a landmark in the development of democratic governance and constitutional liberty.
Virginia played a leading role in this revolutionary process. The colony possessed many influential political thinkers who believed that government existed to serve the people and protect their rights. When Virginia’s Fifth Convention met in Williamsburg in the spring of 1776, delegates recognized the need to define the principles that would guide the formation of a new state government. Before drafting a constitution, they decided to establish a declaration of rights that would set limits on governmental authority and affirm the liberties of citizens.
George Mason, a respected Virginia planter and political philosopher, was tasked with preparing the document. Drawing upon Enlightenment ideas, English constitutional traditions, and colonial experiences, Mason produced a draft that would become the Virginia Declaration of Rights. Born in 1725, Mason was a wealthy landowner and self-educated scholar who developed strong views regarding individual liberty and responsible government.
George Mason, Courtesy Encyclopedia of Virginia
Unlike some of his contemporaries, Mason was deeply concerned about the concentration of political power. He believed that governments derived their authority from the consent of the governed and that citizens possessed inherent rights that no government could legitimately violate. His ideas reflected the influence of Enlightenment thinkers such as John Locke, who argued that individuals possessed natural rights to life, liberty, and property.
Mason’s draft underwent revisions by the Convention, but its essential principles remained intact. His work established a model for future declarations and constitutional protections. Although Mason later refused to sign the United States Constitution because it lacked a bill of rights, his ideas eventually shaped the first ten amendments to the Constitution.
The Virginia Declaration of Rights contains sixteen sections, each addressing specific political and civil principles. Together, they create a coherent philosophy of government centered on liberty and popular sovereignty.
The first article is perhaps the most famous. It declares that all men are by nature equally free and independent and possess inherent rights that cannot be surrendered when entering society. These rights include the enjoyment of life and liberty, the means of acquiring property, and the pursuit of happiness and safety.
This statement represented a significant departure from traditional notions of government based on inherited privilege or monarchy. Instead, it asserted that rights existed before government and that government existed primarily to protect those rights.
The concept of natural rights became a cornerstone of American political thought. Thomas Jefferson echoed these ideas in the Declaration of Independence when he wrote that all men are created equal and endowed with unalienable rights.
Another fundamental principle is the idea that political power originates with the people. The Declaration states that government is instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation, or community.
This concept, known as popular sovereignty, rejects the doctrine of divine-right monarchy. According to the Declaration, rulers derive their authority from the consent of the governed rather than from hereditary privilege or divine appointment. If a government becomes destructive of the public welfare, the people have the right to reform, alter, or abolish it.
These ideas helped justify the American Revolution and became essential features of democratic government. The Declaration emphasizes the importance of dividing governmental authority among different branches. It argues that the legislative, executive, and judicial powers should be separate and distinct.
The purpose of this separation is to prevent tyranny and protect liberty. By ensuring that no single branch accumulates excessive power, the government can maintain accountability and preserve individual rights. This principle later became a central feature of both state constitutions and the United States Constitution.
The Declaration asserts that elections should be free and that citizens who have a permanent interest in and attachment to the community possess the right to vote and participate in government. Free elections are essential to representative government because they enable citizens to hold leaders accountable and ensure that governmental authority reflects the will of the people.
Several sections of the Declaration protect individuals against arbitrary government action. These provisions guarantee due process of law, prohibit excessive bail and cruel punishments, and affirm the right to a fair and impartial trial. Such protections reflect concerns about abuses of power by government officials. By requiring legal procedures and impartial justice, the Declaration seeks to safeguard individual liberty against arbitrary authority.
These principles later influenced the Fifth, Sixth, and Eighth Amendments to the United States Constitution. The Declaration proclaims that freedom of the press is one of the great bulwarks of liberty and can never be restrained except by despotic governments. This provision recognizes the importance of an independent press in informing citizens, exposing abuses of power, and promoting public debate. The protection of press freedom became an essential component of democratic society and influenced the First Amendment.
George Mason’s hand written copy of the Virginia Declaration of Rights, Courtesy Library of Virginia
The final section of the Declaration addresses religion and conscience. It states that religion can be directed only by reason and conviction rather than force or violence and that all individuals are entitled to the free exercise of religion.
Although the original language was somewhat limited, it represented a major step toward religious freedom. James Madison later strengthened these principles in Virginia’s Statute for Religious Freedom and in the First Amendment’s protections for religious liberty.
Thomas Jefferson drew heavily from Mason’s language and ideas when drafting the Declaration of Independence. The Declaration’s assertion that all men are by nature free and possess inherent rights closely parallels Jefferson’s statement that all men are created equal and endowed with unalienable rights. Similarly, the Virginia Declaration’s emphasis on government deriving its authority from the people and the right of citizens to alter or abolish oppressive governments appears prominently in the Declaration of Independence.
Perhaps the Declaration’s greatest legacy lies in its influence on the United States Bill of Rights. When delegates met at the Constitutional Convention in 1787, they created a new federal government but did not initially include a bill of rights. This omission concerned many Americans, including George Mason, who feared that the new government might threaten individual liberties.
The ensuing debate led to the adoption of the first ten amendments in 1791. James Madison, drawing heavily upon Virginia’s constitutional traditions, proposed amendments that reflected many principles found in Mason’s Declaration.
Examples include:
Freedom of speech, religion, press, and assembly.
Protection against unreasonable searches and seizures.
Guarantees of due process.
Rights to fair and speedy trials.
Prohibitions against excessive bail and cruel punishments.
The parallels between the Virginia Declaration and the Bill of Rights are unmistakable. Many of the liberties Americans enjoy today can be traced directly to Mason’s work.
Despite its significance, the Virginia Declaration of Rights contained important limitations and contradictions. Political participation was largely restricted to property-owning white males. Women, slaves, Native Americans, and many others were excluded from the political community envisioned by the document. These contradictions highlight the gap between revolutionary ideals and social realities. Over time, however, reformers and civil rights advocates invoked the Declaration’s principles to challenge inequality and expand the scope of liberty.
More than two centuries after its adoption, the Virginia Declaration of Rights remains a landmark in constitutional history. It was among the first modern documents to articulate a comprehensive set of individual rights and establish the principle that government exists to serve the people.
Its influence can be seen not only in American constitutional law but also in international human rights traditions. Documents such as the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and later human rights instruments reflect similar commitments to liberty, equality, and popular sovereignty.
The Declaration’s enduring significance lies in its assertion that rights are inherent to human beings and that governments must respect and protect those rights. These principles continue to shape democratic societies around the world 250 years later.
“No. YOU do it. You’re a Virginian, and you write ten times better than me.”
“Okay.”
To read John Adams’s telling of the tale, that’s basically how he, as chair of the drafting committee, drafted Thomas Jefferson to draft the Declaration of Independence.[1] Jefferson’s version, of course, sounds a little different: “[T]hey unanimously pressed on myself alone to undertake the draught. I consented; I drew it. . . .”[2]
While we may never know the details of the discussion, we do know that the drafting committee first met 250 years ago today, on June 11, 1776. Along with Adams and Jefferson—representing Massachusetts and Virginia—the committee included Benjamin Franklin of Pennsylvania, Robert Livingston of New York, and Roger Sherman of Connecticut.
Livingston and Sherman tend to end up as footnotes to the story of the committee. Livingston, an ally of John Dickinson, was added to the committee as a concession to those cool, conservative men. Sherman, meanwhile, had a knack for footnote-ism. Aside from serving as an asterisk on the drafting committee, he’s also famous as a trivia answer for being the only person to sign all four Founding documents: the charter of the Continental Association, the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, and the U.S. Constitution.
Franklin’s presence on the committee surprised no one. As the most famous man in America—and, by extension, in the Congress—his celebrity would provide a useful boost to the committee’s final work. It helped, too, that much of his fame came from his pen, which made him a natural fit for the committee.
Adams had the legal mind and the deepest knowledge of government and politics. He was not slouch as a writer, either. But Jefferson had earned his very place in Congress because of his felicity of expression with a pen. His Summary View of the Rights of British Americans (1774) earned him wide recognition in his native Virginia and appointment to the Second Continental Congress. The ideas he expressed also clearly marked him as a radical aligned with the independence movement. Adams admired Jefferson for being “prompt, frank, explicit and decisive” even if he was also notoriously silent for most of his time in Congress.
Jefferson didn’t want to be in Philadelphia to begin with, and in fact, he absented himself from August 1, 1775 until May 14, 1776, citing his wife’s ill health and obligations at home. When he returned to Congress, he did so only from a begrudging sense of obligation. “I am here in the same uneasy, anxious state in which I was in the fall without Mrs. Jefferson, who could not come with me,” he wrote.[3]
Yet Jefferson and his “masterly Pen,” as Adams called it, returned to Philadelphia just in time to put that pen to use. On the drafting committee. Jefferson really wanted to be putting that pen to use writing the constitution for the state of Virginia. He would even go so far as to draft a Constitution of his own and send it to Williamsburg since he couldn’t be there himself, but the document never received consideration. George Mason would end up leading that effort.
By all accounts, the members of the drafting committee saw the task as a throwaway assignment. When Congress eventually voted in favor of independence on July 2, John Adams thought that would be the day the nation would forever commemorate; no one thought of the first public reading of the Declaration on July 4 as being much more than a formality.
Only later, once the document assumed a position in American myth, did the members begin to attach significance to their participation in the drafting process—ergo the dueling versions Adams and Jefferson recalled in their (much) later years. Adams laid out his version in 1822; Jefferson in 1823.
Jefferson took about two weeks to write the first draft, then showed it to Franklin and Adams, “requesting their corrections; because they were the two members of whose judgments and amendments I wished most to have the benefit before presenting it to the Committee. . . .”[4] (Apparently, this established the practice of treating Livingston and Sherman as footnotes.) Adams and Franklin suggested a few important refinements. For instance, Franklin deftly turned “We hold these truths to be sacred and undeniable” into the subtler but more powerful “We hold these truths to be self-evident.” Adams’s handwriting on the original document shows him adding a reference to “their Creator” in an astute instance of knowing his audience. Overall, though, Adams “was delighted with its high tone, and the flights of Oratory with which it abounded,” he later wrote.[5] (Walter Isaacson’s recent The Greatest Sentence Ever Written offers a wonderful exploration of the writing and editing process.)
On June 28, Jefferson would submit his final draft, which Congress would take up for discussion and approval on July 3 (after a painful editing-by-committee process that made Jefferson nearly despondent).
Like all great myths, the details of the committee’s work—from its origins to its final revisions—are brilliantly gauzy enough that we can see what we want to if we squint just right. The real story never quite comes into focus. That’s the frustrating reality for historians but the bewitching charm for everyone else.
And it’s a perfect metaphor for the entire Founding, isn’t it: Adams and Jefferson, both there at the beginning, both explaining a different interpretation of events. Their visions continue to duel today—and if we’re wise, we’ll listen to what both of them have to say.
[3] “From Thomas Jefferson to Thomas Nelson, 16 May 1776,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-01-02-0153. [Original source: The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 1, 1760–1776, ed. Julian P. Boyd. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950, pp. 292–293.]
[4] “Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, 30 August 1823,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/04-03-02-0113. [Original source: The Papers of James Madison, Retirement Series, vol. 3, 1 March 1823 – 24 February 1826, ed. David B. Mattern, J. C. A. Stagg, Mary Parke Johnson, and Katherine E. Harbury. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2016, pp. 114–116.]
Nothing marked Friday, June 7, 1776, as an unusual day in Philadelphia. Residents of the city would not have taken much notice of Richard Henry Lee walking the three blocks from his temporary quarters in the home of Dr. William Shippen to the Pennsylvania State House, as he had done for several weeks prior as a member of Virginia’s delegation in the Second Continental Congress.
There was little in Lee’s manners or features that stood out, save his tall and lanky frame and the vanishing hair of a 44-year-old man in 18th-century America. Passers by might have noted the black silk glove covering Lee’s mangled, one-finger left hand, the stark reminder of a hunting accident he suffered years ago.
Richard Henry Lee, 1794.
One document in a stack of papers Lee carried looked like any other about the mundane business of the Congress trying to come to grips with fielding an army against Great Britain while also remaining loosely tied to the mother country. It was a document to sever that tie and declare Britain’s American colonies “free and independent states.”
The American Revolution lasted eight years, 1775-1783. Why then do we celebrate 1776 and not the end of the war? Continental Congress presented the Declaration of Independence to the world on July 4, 1776. That’s the big deal.
There was something different about this revolution against British authority. The colonies were better organized. The people, policymakers, and military worked in harmony, though imperfect, toward freeing themselves from the bonds of the British Empire. Lexington and Concord had loudly proclaimed the shots heard round the world in April 1775.
By the second year, the colonial armies already had two significant military achievements in the winter and early spring. The militia turned back the invading southern British army at the battle of Moore’s Creek Bridge, North Carolina, in February. This victory contained the Redcoats in the southern theater to South Carolina. Up north, the British army withdrew from Boston in March, giving the colonists a physical and moral achievement. The leaders of the Glorious Cause, however, knew violence and blood wouldn’t be enough to win the war as failed Scottish and Irish uprisings had demonstrated all too well.
It was now up to the Continental Congress to fire a political shot. Congress tasked a committee of five to draft a declaration in June 1776. The members included Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston. Jefferson was the principal author. By July 1776, a final version was signed and submitted. It was only two paragraphs, but its words were, and still are, heard round the world.
The Declaration of Independence succinctly describes two of the five “Ws” of the war. Why we were fighting, or the main political goal, was first to be put forth. The colonists demanded a political divorce from British rule. As the committee wrote, at times “…it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another …” Instead, the colonies wanted to form their own government based on a constitutional republic. It would be equal in standing to all other sovereign nations. That was the Why.
Then our founding fathers pulled the trigger and laid out the What, the reasons or “unalienable rights” we were fighting for against the crown. “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.” The King and Parliament hadn’t given these rights to any of their colonies or even their own citizens.
In fact, quite the reverse, British rule had subjugated the American colonies in “a long train of abuses and usurpations.” Redcoats threw colonists in jail without due process. Colonists were hung without a trial or after an unfair trial. Parliament levied taxes on colonial goods at a whim. We were subjects. We were here to serve the crown. Facing such despotism, the colonies had every right to abolish political ties with the British Empire and pursue life, liberty, and happiness.
It’s these three rights that we will soon be celebrating by commemorating the 250th Anniversary of the document that declared those rights, the Declaration of Independence.
Is the second sentence of the Declaration of Independence the greatest sentence ever written?
That’s the contention of historian Walter Isaacson in his slim new book, The Greatest Sentence Ever Written. As a refresher:
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.
“[E]ach of its words and concepts bears scrutiny and appreciation,” Isaacson says, and then goes about in short chapter-length essays to do just that.[1]
Or almost so. His execution doesn’t go off with quite that kind of exactness. For instance, “hold” doesn’t get any particular attention. The verbs is always the most important word in a sentence because it’s the engine that drives the action. One could spend a little time on “hold” and its specific meaning and the perils inherent in it (anything held can be dropped!). Isaacson may or may not have missed opportunities by skipping some of the words that he apparently deemed unimportant.
But where he does parse out parts of the sentence, he shines. He explores the common ground of “We,” what made “truths” “self-evident,” and the restrictiveness behind the seemingly inclusive “all men.” What is “equality” in the context of the rest of the sentence? What did the Founders mean by any of these things?
Emerging Revolutionary War Era 