One of the first infamous miltiary units in Virginia during the American Revolution was the Culpeper Minute Men. Remebered and memorialized throughout the years, we welcome James Bish back to discuss the history of the men, the unit and what role they played in the early days of the Revolution in Virginia.
Jim will also talk about some of the upcoming commemorative events planned around the 250th anniversary of the formation of the Culpeper Minutemen. To learn more about the events, visit: https://culpepermuseum.com/culpeper-minutemen-250th-anniversay-week/ . This Rev War Revelry is recorded and will be posted to our Facebook page on Sunday, October 5th at 7pm. It will also be posted to our You Tube and Spotify channels.
Modern view of the “Old South Presbyterian Church, Newburyport, MA
As Benedict Arnold assembled his small army of 1,100 men in Newburyport for his bold cooridinated strike on Canada (with General Richard Montgomery attacking via Montreal), there was one last stop before the men boarded the boats in the Merrimack River. From here they would hug the coast on their way to Maine, then overland to Quebec. It was a bold strategy for the inexperienced army and army commander. Though the was just started in April, and peace was still spoken by many political leaders, Washington approved this first American offensive. Strike the British forces in the Canadian colonies, with the hope of encouraging their northern colonial neighbors to join their cause.
Arnold felt it was appropriate that his mission have the blessing of God, so hundreds of men squeezed into the First Presbyterian Church (now called Old South Presbyterian Church). One of the largest churches in the city, it was the spiritual home of the Great Awakening in New England. Here, evangelist preacher George Whitefield, preached from when the church was built in 1756 until his death in 1770. Whitefield was buried in the crypt of the church. His fame was well known to Arnold and others, Whitefield is considered one of the founders Methodism and a great public speaker.
What men could not fit into the church pressed up against the doors and windows. Today’s service, held on Wednesday, September 20, was a dedication service. To bless the men and their task at hand. Reverand Samuel Spring, a popular orator in his own right, and he was now to serve as chaplain of Arnold’s small army on its way to Canada.
The scene was recounted in J. T. Headley’s, 1864 “The Chaplains and Clergy of the Revolution“:
Reverand Samuel Spring
“There sat the fearless Arnold, the bold rifleman, Morgan, and a host of other brave men, who, notwithstanding their dauntless courage, felt that the perils of the untrodden, mysterious wilderness, they were about to penetrate, might be too great for human energy and endurance, and the hour come, that their only hope would rest in the God whose spirit the chaplain [Samuel Spring] invoked as their guide and stay. The citizens, who crowded the gallery, never forgot that sermon. It became the talk of the place, and was the cause of his eventually settling over them as their pastor.”
After the sermon, a surreal experience took place. Soon, someone on Arnold’s staff wanted to go to the crypt and see the tomb of Whitefield. Headley quoted Rev. Spring:
“I preached over the grave of Whitefield. After the service the general officers gathered around me. Some one requested a visit to Whitefield’s tomb. The sexton was hunted up, the key procured, and we descended to his coffin. It had lain in the tomb six years, but was in good preservation. The officers induced the sexton to take off the lid of the coffin. The body had nearly all returned to dust. Some portions of his grave-clothes remained. His collar and wristbands, in the best preservation, were taken and carefully cut in little pieces, and divided among them.”
A modern view of the crypt of Rev. George Whitefield
Headley continued; “The chaplain, with the haughty Arnold, the chivalrous Morgan, and group of officers, gathered in the dark vault around the tomb of Whitefield, formed a scene worthy of a painter. The clank of steel had a strange sound around the sainted sleeper, while the hallowed atmosphere filled all hearts with solemn awe and reverence.”
Now, with their good luck token from the grave of Whitefield, Arnold and his staff made their way to the shore where his men were boarding their boats in the Merrimack River. Arnold and his men saw their mission blessed by God, and wanted to tie their cause with that of the Great Awakening. They believed their cause was right and just. The process of visiting a tomb and taking pieces of a dead man’s clothing may seem a tad bit of “macbre” to us today, to Arnold it was a way to bless his mission. One that he believed would bring him and his men glory.
Two hundred fifty years ago Culpeper residents were uneasy. Virginians were in a war of words with their mother country, as evidenced by the published Culpeper Resolves of 1774 against England’s abuses. Little did they know that by the end of 1775 fighting men from Culpeper would be at the forefront to depose the British government from Virginia forever.
On March 23, 1775 Patrick Henry rose to speak at the Second Virginia Revolutionary Convention held at Richmond’s Saint John’s Church. The Convention’s presiding officer, Peyton Randolph, gave Henry the floor as debate swirled concerning approving a resolution forming and arming of Virginia Patriot militia forces. In attendance were Culpeper’s representatives Henry Pendleton and Henry Field Jr. as were Fauquier County’s representatives, and future Culpeper Minutemen, Thomas Marshall and James Scott. Henry stated:
Romanticsized version of Henry’s speech at St. John’s Church
“Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace but there is no peace. The war has actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
Thomas Marshall later told his son, also future Culpeper Minutemen and U.S. Chief Justice John Marshall, that the speech was “one of the boldest, vehement, and animated pieces of eloquence that had ever been delivered.”
As Henry predicted a gale did come down from the north in the form of British troops trying to control arms and gunpowder stockpiles on April 19 in Lexington and Concord, Massachusetts, resulting in the first bloodshed of what Henry predicted as “the clash of resounding arms.” Just weeks earlier, William Legge, Earl of Dartmouth, Britain’s Secretary of State for the colonies, issued a warning to the Royal Governors and suggested they take control of such gunpowder and weapon strongholds. He especially targeted the governors of Massachusetts and Virginia.
News of the events in Massachusetts was still over a week away in Virginia when early in the morning of April 21, colonists in Williamsburg awoke to find royal marines removing the gunpowder from the public powder magazine. Virginia’s Royal Governor, John Murray, Earl of Dunmore, ordered the aggression respecting Dartmouth’s warning. This “Gunpowder Incident”, ignited the already simmering spark of discontent and suspicion between Dunmore and the patriot colonists.
Henry quickly formed some local militias into companies near Williamsburg and requested militia’s throughout the colony to muster. In northern Virginia, Fredericksburg became the rendezvous location for local militias. In Culpeper County men from throughout the area quickly assembled in their traditional muster and drilling location of Major Philp Clayton’s field by Mountain Run, today’s Yowell Meadow Park. Once organized, Culpeper Captain Edward Stevens marched his Culpeper militiamen to Fredericksburg joining other county militias.
Dunmore was well aware that Henry was actively recruiting militias to march on Williamsburg. Henry publicly called for Dunmore to return the powder or pay for its value, £330 (near $18,000 today) or patriot forces would march against him. As the situation escalated, Dunmore reportedly said, “I have once fought for the Virginians, and by God I will let them see that I can fight against them.” On May 3, after over ten days of maneuvering, Dunmore agreed to Henry’s monetary demands as peace was preserved. Militia’s throughout the colony, including those of Culpeper in Fredericksburg, were ordered to return to their home counties. The Gunpowder Incident proved to be a milestone event in Virginia’s turn towards revolution. As 1775 moved into summer open rebellion against royal authority began and Culpeper residents prepared for the upcoming conflict.
Earlier, in March 1775, Culpeper County representatives, Henry Field Jr. and Henry Pendleton, attended the Second Virginia Convention where Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, and Edmund Pendleton were selected as delegates representing Virginia at the Second Continental Congress. Field and Pendleton knew the representatives well from their years in the House of Burgesses. They especially knew George Washington who earlier served as Culpeper County’s first surveyor and Edmund Pendleton was Henry Pendleton’s uncle. On May 10, 1775, the Second Continental Congress convened in Philadelphia.
After the Battles of Lexington and Concord and Virginia’s gunpowder incident, the first order of business for the Congress was to prepare for war. On June 14, 1775, Congress voted to establish the Continental Army which incorporated patriot forces already in place in Massachusetts and New York while also raising the first ten companies of Continental Army troops on a one-year enlistment. These included two regiments of Virginia riflemen, one raised from Berkeley County (now in West Virginia) led by Captain Hugh Stephenson and the other from Frederick County led by Daniel Morgan, along with rifle regiments from Pennsylvania and Maryland. The very next day, Congress unanimously elected George Washington as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army and he immediately departed for Boston.
Meanwhile, Boston area patriots learned that the British were planning to fortify the unoccupied hills surrounding the city, which, if successful, would give the British control of Boston Harbor. Patriot leader William Prescott quickly responded, utilizing his 1,200 troops to occupy and build defense works on Bunker and nearby Breed’s Hill. At daybreak on June 17, the British mounted an attack against them. The Boston patriots fought gallantly, and enacted tremendous casualties upon the British, but eventually they ran out of ammunition allowing the British to control the high ground of the Peninsula. Newly assigned commander, George Washington, had just arrived in New York on his way to Boston when he received news of the battle and the death of patriot Major General Joseph Warren (for whom Warrenton, Virginia was later named).
Monument dedicated to the Culpeper Minute Men muster site in Yowell Meadow Park, Culpeper, VA
On July 8th, 1775, Congress directed each of the colonies to start forming land and naval military units. Virginia’s Third Convention assembled in Richmond on July 17, 1775 and began drafting legislation for the defense of Virginia titled, “An Ordinance for raising and embodying a sufficient force for the defense and protection of this Colony.” Following the guidance of Congress, an ordinance was worked upon to create a Committee of Safety to govern Virginia and to prepare for war. Although the details of the legislation took over a month to form, the earliest specifics created 16 military districts from Virginia’s 62 counties. Each military district was to support a 68-man regular, or rifle, company and a ten-company minute battalion of 500 men in preparation for war.
On August 21, 1775 “An Ordinance for raising and embodying a sufficient force for the defense and protection of this Colony.” was read for a third and final time and then passed unanimously by the delegates of Virginia’s Third Convention. On August 25th Alexander Purdie’s Virginia Gazette published the ordinance as directed by the Convention. Delegates worked strenuously on the ordinance for over five weeks before getting passage. George Mason wrote, “I have not since I came to this place, except the fast-day of Sunday, had an hour which I could call my own – this is hard duty.” This was by far the largest ordinance produced by any of the Conventions as it contained over 13,000 words and took up six pages of Purdie’s eight-page Gazette. Earlier readings of the ordinance alerted many leaders throughout Virginia to begin the process of recruiting, possibly as early as late July and certainly by the first week of August, to fulfill the legislation’s manpower needs. The ordinance created 16 military districts including the Culpeper District, which also included Orange and Fauquier County.
This legislation meant that the Culpeper Military District was now tasked with providing manpower of almost 600 men including officers. In August, the local delegates, Thomas Marshall and James Scott from Fauquier County, Field and Pendleton from Culpeper, and Thomas Barbour and James Taylor from Orange returned home to aid in the recruitment throughout their district. For the first time, Fauquier, Culpeper, and Orange County men were recruiting for war, not against the Native Americans, the French, or the Spanish. This time they were recruiting for war against their own British empire.
Each military district was to raise one 68-man regular or rifle company in addition to the 500 man minute battalion, rank and file, from the age of 16 to that of 50, to be divided into ten companies plus officers. Every man enlisted was required to “furnish himself with a good rifle, if to be had, otherwise a tomahawk, common firelock bayonet, pouch, or cartouche box, and three charges of powder and ball.” If the minute-man was not able to furnish his arms, they were to be supplied at public expense. Six privates were allowed one shared tent from the public supply. For pay, the Battalion Colonel was allowed 15 shillings per day, Lt. Colonel 12 shillings, and a Major 10 shillings. The pay for Captains and lower ranks was the same as Culpeper’s Regular Company at 6 shillings per day, Lieutenants at 4 shillings, Ensigns at 3 shillings and Privates earning one shilling and four pence per day. The difference in pay came from days a year in service. Both privates for the regular rifle company and the minute battalion were enlisted for a year’s service. However there was certainty that the rifle company would be away from home during the year while the minute battalion might not get called up, meaning that they would be paid for local drilling of 76 days per year instead of 360. As a result, the regular rifle company recruits expected to earn a yearly pay of 480 shillings/year while a minute battalion privates were guaranteed 101 shillings, that is of course unless the minute company was activated, which the Culpeper Minute Battalion was.
In the newly formed Culpeper Military District local leaders met and made commitments for recruiting individual companies and decided to meet on September 1st in the central county of Culpeper at the traditional militia muster site of Philip Clayton’s property just west of Culpeper Court House. It seems clear that some of the most experienced riflemen and former militia veterans would make up the district’s needs for the 68-man rifle company that would be incorporated into either Patrick Henry’s 1st Virginia Regiment or William Woodford’s 2nd Second Virginia Regiment. Certainly military district rifle competitions pushed the expert riflemen toward the rifle company. However, some expert riflemen appreciating the idea of remaining at home most of the time, chose to stay in the minute battalion. Because of its size, recruitment for the manpower needs for the ten-company minute battalion was going to be the greatest challenge.
In Fauquier County, Delegates Thomas Marshall and James Scott began recruiting officers and in turn, those officers were charged with recruiting the needed manpower for each company to fulfill Fauquier’s obligations. Besides Marshall and Scott, officers placed in charge of recruiting their own companies included William Pickett, John Chilton, William Blackwell, George Johnston, Elias Edmunds, Francis Triplett, and William Payne. Orange County leaders Lawrence Taliaferro, Richard Taylor, Joseph Spencer, John Williams, and Willliam Taliaferro began recruiting their own companies. In Culpeper County, highest ranking militia officers, John Green and Edward Stevens, took the lead in recruitment efforts. Other Culpeper leaders recruiting included Abraham Buford, John Jameson, William McClanahan, George Slaughter, Philip Clayton, and James Slaughter. Their upcoming muster on September first at Clayton’s Field would determine how effective their August recruitment efforts were.
As the September first rendezvous approached, recruiting captains from each of the three counties of Orange, Culpeper, and Fauquier made plans to meet at Clayton’s muster field along Mountain Run. It appears that the many recruitment captains had their specific areas in the region they had recruited. In Culpeper, Abraham Buford recruited in southwestern Culpeper County (today’s Madison County), John Jameson recruited close to the village of Culpeper Courthouse, William McClanahan northwestern Culpeper County into present day Rappahannock County. James Slaughter recruited in the area of Culpeper Courthouse and south and east to the Rapidan River. John Green recruited the northeastern areas of the county.
In Orange County Joseph Spencer recruited in southeastern Orange. His recruits journey to Clayton’s muster field has been recorded. Spencer made an initial rendezvous location of his recruits at “Porter’s Old Courthouse” probably on August 31st. In 1775 this property was owned by Charles Porter and it had been the site of the first Orange County Courthouse from 1738 until 1749 before the courthouse was moved to near present-day Orange. The first courthouse location today is on the eastern side of Route 522 just northeast, and on the hill, from E.V. Baker’s Store. From that location it is roughly 12 miles to Clayton’s muster field, roughly a half-day march. It is assumed that other recruiters made rendezvous in a similar fashion, however many of the recruits in Culpeper County probably just sent word to directly meet at Clayton’s field.
Most of the Culpeper Military District recruits likely arrived by September 1, but some probably lingered into the next few days. There the recruited men would have been sworn in, given rank, and told their paygrade. The Committee of Safety would have also been involved fulfilling the officer ranks and in reducing the number of minute battalion companies and captains to ten. Some of the recruiting captains filled senior officer ranks and their recruits were assimilated into other companies to complete their needed numbers. Certainly rifle competitions were held and most of those who were most skilled filled into John Green’s Rifle Company. There appears to have been enough good riflemen above the 68 needed for the rifle company and they were placed in a variety of the battalion companies. John Green of Culpeper County led the rifle company as Captain with Richard Taylor of Orange 1st Lt. and John Eustice of Fauquier as 2nd Lt. The senior leaders of the Minute Battalion were Col. Lawrence Taliaferro from Orange, Lt. Col. Edward Stevens from Culpeper, and Major Thomas Marshall from Fauquier. The 10 Battalion Company Captains included Abraham Buford, John Jameson, William McClanahan, and John Williams, all from Culpeper; William Blackwell, John Chilton, William Pickett, and James Scott from Fauquier; and William Payne and Joseph Spencer of Orange.
Sixteen year old recruit, Philip Slaughter penned a diary account of which we get an image as to what Clayton’s muster site appeared. According to Slaughter,
Modern interpretation of the Culpeper Minute Men Flag, courtesy of the Sons of the American Revolution
“Some had tents, and others huts of plank, etc. The whole regiment appeared according to order in hunting shirts made of strong, brown linen, dyed the color of the leaves of the trees, and on the breast of each hunting shirt was worked in large white letters the words, ‘Liberty or Death’ and all that could procure for love or money bucks’ tails, wore them in their hats. Each man had a leather belt around his shoulders, with a tomahawk and scalping knife. The flag had in the center a rattlesnake coiled in the act to strike. Below it were the words, ‘Don’t tread on me.’ At the sides, ‘Liberty or Death’ and at the top, ‘The Culpeper Minute Men.’
The According to Culpeper’s Ensign David Jameson, the Culpeper Battalion “was raised in less than three weeks.” The men on Clayton’s field proved to be special in liberating Virginia from the British. Leadership on the field was not in shortage. On that field was a brother (Ambrose Madison) to a future president (James Madison), a father (Richard Taylor) to a future president (Zachary Taylor) and future Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court (John Marshall) among countless other state leaders. Slaughter also stated, “During out encampment an express arrived from Patrick Henry, commandant of the First Virginia Continental Regiment, by order of the committee of safety, then sitting in the city of Williamsburg, requesting the Minute Men to march immediately to that city. The Minute Men immediately made ready.” It is not known for sure when the Virginia’s Committee of Safety issued the request to “March immediately,” but John Green’s Regular Rifle Company certainly left Culpeper in late September for the 140-mile march of roughly six days arriving by October 4. The Culpeper Minute Battalion followed a few weeks later and arrived in Williamsburg by October 23.
Between late September and mid-October 1775, over 600 Culpeper Military District recruits marched from the muster and drilling site of “Clayton’s Old Field” in response to Patrick Henry’s request of immediate mobilization to Williamsburg for the protection of Virginia. The Culpeper deployment proved to be by far the largest deployment from any location in Virginia in 1775-76 to answer the call of defending the Commonwealth from the British. While every Virginia Military District fulfilled their requirements for a regular company, Culpeper’s “Minutemen” were Virginia’s only fully-manned minute battalion to respond in Virginia’s critical hour of need. After arriving at Williamsburg, Culpeper’s expert riflemen immediately moved into action against Lord Dunmore’s Royal and Loyalists forces. The rifle company was immediately pressed into action guarding James River crossings while the minute battalion was immediately ordered to protect the local magazine, and like the rifle company, James River crossings. Upon arriving Slaughter continued to tell about their arrival in Williamsburg stating, “Many people hearing that we were from the backwoods, near the Indians, and seeing out dress, were as much afraid of us for a few days as if we had been Indians; but finding that we were orderly and attentive in guarding the city, they treated us with great respect.”
Although there were many “riflemen” in the battalion, Slaughter also stated, “The Minute Men were chiefly armed with fowling-pieces and squirrel-guns.” Upon arrival, Col. William Woolford designated Captain Abraham Buford, and a hand-selected company of minute battalion riflemen, to move immediately, marching through the night of October 26, to defend Hampton from attack by a British naval squadron. Hampton would be there first of several weeks of fighting Lord Dunmore and his mixed force of Regulars, Loyalists and former slaves.
For more information on commemorative events this fall commemorating the Culepeper Minute Men, visit the Culpeper Museum at https://culpepermuseum.com/
On August 2, 1775, the Second Continental Congress wrapped up its summer session 250 years ago. Philadelphia’s heatwave that summer—described as “Very Close & Hot”—was too much for the delegates. “We have sat much longer than expected,” one Congressman grumbled. “We are all exhausted.”
The Congress had been working tirelessly since its session began on May 10, 1775. In just 12 weeks, the body accomplished an impressive list of tasks, many of which escalated the growing tension with Great Britain:
Declared a state of military readiness across the colonies
Appealed to Canadians for support in the Revolution
Raised companies of riflemen in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia to reinforce the Boston Army
Elected George Washington as Commander-in-Chief
Appointed four major generals and eight brigadier generals
Adopted the Olive Branch Petition in a final effort for peace
Released the “Declaration of the Causes and Necessities of Taking Up Arms”
Rejected Lord North’s Plan for Reconciliation
Established a postal department
Appointed commissioners to negotiate peace with Indian tribes
Rather than resting from the sessions of the last 12 weeks, many members of the Second Continental Congress continued to work tirelessly to support the colonies’ efforts against Great Britain. Many returned home to ensure these measures were implemented at the local level. But there was still uncertainty about how King George III would respond to the Olive Branch Petition. Would the King accept the offer of peace? Only time would tell.
The “Shot Heard Round the World” on April 19, 1775, hurled the American colonies into a fever pitch and a war footing. But in the 18th century, slow travel and communication meant the news spread gradually. It took 21 days for word of the fighting at Lexington and Concord to reach the town of Mecklenburg, in Berkeley County, Virginia (now Shepherdstown, in Jefferson County, West Virginia).
On May 10, the citizens of Mecklenburg learned of the battles between colonial militiamen and British troops. Combined with reports that Virginia’s royal governor, Lord Dunmore, had seized gunpowder from the magazine in Williamsburg, the townspeople prepared to support their fellow patriots in any way they could.
Local militia members began to drill and ready themselves for action. On June 10, they gathered on the property of Colonel William Morgan, just outside of town, for a patriotic barbecue. Songs were sung, and those present made a solemn pledge to return to the same spot—Morgan’s Grove—fifty years later to commemorate the day.
The rallying point for the Beeline March
After the festivities, drilling resumed, though the men still wondered whether they’d truly be called to arms. That call came on June 14, when the Continental Congress resolved that “six companies of expert riflemen be immediately raised in Pennsylvania, two in Maryland, and two in Virginia.” Once formed and equipped, the companies were to “march and join the army near Boston, to be there employed as light infantry under the command of the chief Officer in that army.”
Virginia’s quota fell to two experienced frontiersmen: Daniel Morgan, who raised a company in Winchester, and Hugh Stephenson, who assembled his company at Mecklenburg. The recruits signed one-year enlistments.
Henry Bedinger, one of Stephenson’s men, noted that “none were received but young men of character, and of sufficient property to clothe themselves completely, find their own arms and accoutrements—that is, an approved rifle, handsome shot pouch and powder-horn, blanket, with such decent clothing as should be prescribed.” It took fewer than seven days to raise a full complement of 100 men. Only a delay in procuring enough rifles kept the company from marching immediately.
Stephenson and Morgan agreed to rendezvous in Frederick, Maryland, before continuing to Boston. Morgan’s men departed first, on July 15. Stephenson’s company followed from Morgan’s Grove on July 17.
“Morgan having the start, we used every exertion to overhaul him—in vain,” wrote Bedinger, “although we marched (always in single file) from 30 to 36 miles a number of days.”
Along the way, Stephenson’s men were greeted by cheering citizens and well-supplied with food. Their grueling pace—averaging over 20 miles per day—became legendary. Only two men failed to complete the full journey: one was court-martialed, the other accidentally wounded.
On August 11, after marching more than 500 miles in just 25 days, Stephenson’s company arrived in Cambridge, Massachusetts, just behind Morgan’s men. There, they halted before General George Washington.
Stephenson’s company reporting to General Washington at Cambridge (My Ride to the Barbecue)
As the riflemen presented arms, Bedinger recalled, the general “slowly rode by us looking attentively and affectionately at the soldiers from his native state. When he shook hands with our captain, it was said they both shed tears.”
The journey became known as the Beeline March for its quick and direct route to join the Continental Army. Fifty years later, on June 10, 1825, the veterans honored their pledge to return to Morgan’s Grove. Of the original company, only five men were still alive, and just two were able to attend the reunion. One of them was Michael Bedinger, who recalled the events of 1775 and sang “two patriotic songs…the very same that had been sung at that spot fifty years before.”
Today, two markers commemorate the Beeline March’s origin. In Morgan’s Grove Park, a 1988 monument marks the “Shepherdstown Rally Point.” Down the road, in Elmwood Cemetery, a 1932 monument erected by the Daughters of the American Revolution lists the names of the commissioned and non-commissioned officers of Stephenson’s company.
For a fledgling armed force preparing to challenge one of the world’s greatest military powers, the Beeline March demonstrated the resolve, discipline, and patriotic fervor of early American soldiers—and set a standard for those who would follow.
Pennsylvania State House, ca. 1770. Courtesy of the National Park Service
On May 10, 1775, the delegates convened their Second Continental Congress in Philadelphia. Unlike the First Continental Congress held a year before, this Congress had more delegates and met in the Pennsylvania State House and not Carpenters Hall. Also, events spiraled out of control since 1774, and the northern colonies were in outright rebellion with the battles of Lexington and Concord and the capture of Fort Ticonderoga. The delegates dived into several heavy topics as now blood was shed and an army of several thousand besieged the British in Boston.
Just before the Congress met John Adams wrote “our prospect of a Union of the Colonies, is promising indeed. Never was there such a Sprit.” It is evident that there were many discussions in the taverns around Philadelphia among the delegates that showed the feelings of many had changed since 1774. Though there were still a large portion of the colonies that were not ready to give up reconciliation with Great Britain. This tug in pull between men like John Adams and men like John Dickenson (more on the side of reconciliation) is shown in two documents passed by the Congress in early July. The “Olive Branch Petition” and the “Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms” reflect the mixed views of the Congress and the colonies as a whole of —conciliation and confrontation. Together, they illustrate the ideological crossroads at which the colonies stood, torn between loyalty to the British Crown and the growing necessity of armed resistance.
The “Olive Branch Petition”, drafted primarily by John Dickinson of Pennsylvania and approved by the Continental Congress on July 5, 1775, was a final attempt by the colonies to avoid a full-scale war with Great Britain. Despite the ongoing military engagements at Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill, many colonial leaders still hoped for a peaceful resolution to the growing conflict. The petition expressed loyalty to King George III and implored him to intervene in the escalating tensions caused by his ministers and Parliament.
John Dickinson was the leader of the moderates of the Second Continental Congress. Dickinson has the distinction of serving in the Congress as a representative from Pennsylvania and then Deleware. Courtesy of the National Park Service.
The document was rooted in the belief that reconciliation was still possible. It portrayed the colonies as loyal subjects who had been forced into resistance by the oppressive acts of the British government. The petition requested the King to repeal the Coercive Acts and halt hostilities, suggesting that harmony could be restored without further bloodshed.
Key to understanding the “Olive Branch Petition” is the deep-seated colonial belief in the distinction between the King and Parliament. Many colonists viewed Parliament as the source of tyranny but retained faith in the monarch as a potential protector. This petition, therefore, was not revolutionary but reformist. It sought to open a dialogue rather than sever ties.
However, the petition was rejected outright by King George III, who had already declared the colonies in open rebellion in August 1775 (before the Olve Branch petition arrived in London). He refused to read the document and issued the Proclamation of Rebellion, affirming Britain’s intent to suppress the colonial uprising by force. Many believed that the blood shed at Bunker Hill (226 killed and 828 wounded) combined with the fighting on April 19th backed the King into a corner. How could he accept peace when British soldiers were killed by rebels, especially since by the time he received the petition all the colonies were under arms against him. The rejection marked a turning point: it signaled the end of any realistic hopes for a peaceful compromise and pushed more colonists toward the idea of independence.
In stark contrast, the “Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms”, approved on July 6, 1775, just one day after the “Olive Branch Petition”, presented a much more assertive stance. Drafted by a committee including Thomas Jefferson and John Dickinson, the document aimed to justify the colonies’ decision to resist British authority through armed force.
The Declaration opened with a powerful assertion of the colonists’ natural rights and their entitlement to resist tyranny. It traced the history of British oppression, citing the Intolerable Acts, the imposition of taxes without consent, the quartering of troops, and the use of military force to suppress civil liberties. Unlike the Olive Branch Petition, which appealed to the King’s mercy, this document framed the conflict as a necessary defense of liberty and justice.
Although it still professed allegiance to the Crown, the Declaration was far more militant in tone. It acknowledged the seriousness of taking up arms but asserted that the colonies had been left with no other choice. It stated:
“Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable.”
This language revealed a shift in colonial thinking—from grievances to justification, from negotiation to resistance. The document was an attempt to rally public support and unify the colonies behind a common cause, portraying the struggle not as a rebellion but as a righteous defense against despotism.
Courtesy of Special Collections, University of Delaware Library
The coexistence of these two documents reflects the political complexity and emotional turmoil of the time. The Continental Congress, representing a wide spectrum of colonial opinion, tried to navigate between diplomacy and defiance. The “Olive Branch Petition” sought to appeal to moderates and loyalists who feared war, while the Declaration of the Causes aimed to galvanize patriots and articulate a coherent justification for resistance.
This dual approach was not merely political hedging but a reflection of genuine uncertainty. Many colonists still considered themselves British and hoped to remain within the empire, albeit under reformed governance. At the same time, the continued military aggression from Britain made armed resistance increasingly inevitable.
Ultimately, the failure of the “Olive Branch Petition” and the intensification of British military efforts helped consolidate revolutionary sentiment. The rejection by King George III confirmed to many that reconciliation was no longer possible. Over the following months, radical voices like Thomas Paine’s in Common Sense would build upon the groundwork laid by the “Declaration of the Causes” and push for full independence, culminating in the Declaration of Independence in July 1776.
The “Olive Branch Petition” and the “Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms” encapsulate the American colonies’ transition from loyal subjects to revolutionaries. They demonstrate how, in the face of unyielding imperial power, a people once desperate to avoid conflict found themselves compelled to fight. These documents not only reflect the diplomatic and ideological struggles of the Revolutionary era but also serve as enduring symbols of the tension between peace and justice in times of crisis.
On July 3, 1775 George Washington formally took command of the Continental Army in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Appointed Commander-in-Chief by the Second Continental Congress on June 15, 1775, Washington arrived in Cambridge on July 3, 1775 and assumed command of a disorganized and poorly supplied force besieging British troops in Boston. His leadership would begin the transformation of colonial militias into a unified fighting force capable of challenging British military power.
Washington’s assumption of command occurred at a time when the American colonies were transitioning from protest to open rebellion. The battles of Lexington and Concord in April 1775 had already ignited armed conflict, and the Battle of Bunker Hill in June had demonstrated that colonial forces could stand up to British regulars, though at great cost. Washington understood the gravity of his new role. In a letter to the President of Congress, he wrote humbly, “I am truly sensible of the high Honor done me in this Appointment… I do not think myself equal to the Command I am honored with.” This characteristic modesty was paired with a strong sense of duty and resolve.
Washington assumes command at Cambridge, Courtesy Library of Congress
On July 3, Washington appeared before his troops on Cambridge Common, dressed in a blue coat with buff facings, signifying his Virginian roots. There is no official transcript of a speech he may have delivered that day, but contemporary accounts describe a solemn and determined atmosphere. One observer, Reverend William Emerson, noted in his diary, “General Washington… is a tall and noble-looking man, commanding the respect of all who see him.”
Washington immediately set to work imposing discipline, organizing supply chains, and creating a chain of command. Though former commander of the army, Major General Artemus Ward, worked hard on instilling discipline, he was not a man that instilled a lot of confidence. Washington was appalled by the state of the army, writing in frustration to Congress: “The Army… is in a very improper condition to carry on a vigorous War.” He introduced regular drills, uniform codes, and standardized procedures, striving to turn the disparate bands of militiamen into a functioning army. As historian David McCullough noted, “It was Washington’s presence alone that gave the army cohesion.”
Despite his military inexperience—Washington never commanded an army of this size—he brought a unifying vision and moral authority. His appointment was also politically astute, bridging the regional divide between New England and the southern colonies. A Virginian leading New England troops sent a clear message of unity in the face of British oppression.
Marker commemorating Washington on the Cambridge Common, photo by William Griffith
The Cambridge encampment remained Washington’s headquarters until March 1776, when he successfully forced the British evacuation of Boston by fortifying Dorchester Heights with cannons brought from Fort Ticonderoga. This early strategic victory, achieved without major bloodshed, was a major morale boost and affirmed Congress’s faith in their commander.
In retrospect, July 3, 1775, was the beginning of an enduring legacy of leadership and a love of Washington by his men and officers. Through discipline, vision, and personal integrity, he began shaping a ragtag collection of volunteers into the Continental Army, laying the groundwork for American independence.
Dedicated in 1881 and made of bronze, the statue of Colonel William Prescott stands over nine feet tall. Although the man who stood steadfast on the earthen parapet of Bunker Hill was not quite that tall. Yet, on June 17, 1775, the men of New England looked up to the approximately 50-year-old that day.
A National Park Service page on Colonel Prescott and Bunker Hill is titled, “A Glorious Immortality.”An account that was passed down about the Massachusetts militia officer vividly describes why he deserves that moniker.
“The breast work or redoubt was only constructed of such earth as the party had thrown up after the middle of the night and was not more than breast high to a man of medium height. Colonel Prescott being a very tall man, six feet and two or three inches in height, his head and shoulders and a considerable portion of his body must have been exposed during the whole of the engagement. He wore a three-cornered cocked hat and a ban-yan or calico coat. After one of his men was killed by cannon ball, Prescott, perceiving that this had made some of the soldiers sick at heart, mounted tile para-pet and walked leisurely around it, cheering his soldiers by approbation and humor. His clothing was repeatedly spattered with the blood and the brains of the killed and wounded.”
Leadership. Example. Personal bravery. He was also one of the last to leave the earthwork as the British captured it.
He now stands, in bronze, watching over the scene where he proved he was a match for the moment.
After years of political unrest between Great Britain and her North American colonies, tension finally boiled over into armed conflict on April 19, 1775, at Lexington and Concord. The British expedition to capture arms and munitions held by the colonists at Concord disintegrated into a panic-ridden retreat to Boston as local militias struck the column as it moved through the Massachusetts countryside. As often happens in war, seeds planted during a battle often sow the next.
Rather than enter march through Boston Neck British officers diverted to Cambridge and proceeded to the Charlestown Peninsula. Bordered by the Charles and Mystic Rivers, the peninsula jutted out into Boston Harbor northeast of the city. As darkness settled in, exhausted British soldiers made their way onto 110-foot high Bunker Hill. This eminence, commanded Charlestown Neck, a narrow sliver of land connecting to the mainland, along with the surrounding landscape.
That night, Lt. Gen. Thomas Gage, the British Commander-in-Chief met with Vice Admiral Samuel Graves, head of the North Atlantic Squadron. Among other suggestions, Graves urged Gage to burn Charlestown and occupy Bunker Hill. Graves likely knew that his ships in the harbor could not elevate their artillery to reach the high ground. Additionally, Bunker Hill was out of range of the Copp’s Hill Battery located in the city’s North End.
Thomas Gage
Gage recognized the long-simmering pot would eventually boil over with the colonists. “If you think ten thousand men sufficient, send twenty; if one million thought enough, give two; you save both blood and treasure in the end,” he wrote the previous fall to his superiors in London. Now, seemingly distant from the tactical situation on the ground, the survivor of the Monogahela rejected Graves’ proposal, claiming “the weakness of the army.” One must wonder if this was a decision Gage came to privately regret.
The arrival of reinforcements at the end of May, along with Maj. Gens. John Burgoyne, Henry Clinton, and William Howe may have buoyed Gage’s spirits. He soon began making plans to break out of Boston. In consultation with his subordinates, Gage formulated a plan to strike first across Boston Neck to capture Dorchester Heights, which commanded the southern end of the city. A second attack would capture Charlestown then move the three miles to Cambridge to hopefully destroy the Massachusetts army. The offensive was slated to take place on June 18.
Unfortunately, Boston leaked like a sieve and Gage failed to maintain what is known today as operational security. His plans were soon known in Cambridge where the Massachusetts Committee of Safety authorized their own effort to occupy Bunker Hill ahead of the British. On the night of June 16, colonial units led by Col. William Prescott marched out of Cambridge toward Charlestown. Rather than follow his orders, Prescott moved to the 60 foot high Breed’s Hill, located slightly to the southeast of Bunker Hill. Prescott’s decision remains one of the great mysteries surrounding the battle. His men began construction of a redoubt.
Another question surrounding the engagement rests with Henry Clinton. Sometime on the evening of June 16, Clinton wrote he conducted a reconnaissance and claimed he witnessed Provincial activity. He did not, however, explain where he went nor reported the type of actions he saw. Additionally, visibility would be difficult in the growing dusk. Clinton further stated he reported his findings to Gage and Howe but Gage elected to wait for daylight.
Sunrise revealed Prescott’s men atop Breed’s Hill, hard at work on the redoubt, which threatened the northern end of the city. Gage and his officers quickly convened at his headquarters at the Province House. Howe, the senior officer, would be in command. Some thought was given to sail up the Mystic to land on Charlestown Neck well in the rear of the redoubt. This plan was quickly nixed for fear the force could be isolated and cut off by reinforcements from Cambridge and militia on Breed’s Hill. It was eventually decided Howe would land below and out of range of the redoubt. Orders soon went out for the mustering of the “ten oldest companies” the flank and grenadiers, each – along with several regiments to prepare for the operation.
Each British regiment consisted of ten companies, eight line, with two flank and grenadier companies. The flank companies consisted of men who were often the shortest and fastest, who could operate in open order tactics, moving quickly to engage and skirmish with the enemy. The grenadiers, identified by their bear skin hats, were often the tallest men in the regiment and were used as the shock troops during an attack. By the time of the American Revolution, they were no longer carrying hand grenades but the name remained. Oftentimes these companies were separated from their regiments and placed in their own battalions.
Howe disembarked from Long Wharf, going over himself in the second wave, that afternoon. The British landed at Moulton’s Hill, near the modern Navy Yard. Stepping ashore, Howe observed his objective. “On first view it was clearly seen that the rebels were in forced and strongly entrenched upon their right in the Redoubt that had been seen from the town at daybreak,” he reported. “Their left and center were covered by a breastwork which reached from the Redoubt to the Mystick, the space from the Redoubt to that river being about 380 yards, and the whole extent they occupied about 600 yards”. The extent of the defenses compelled Howe to call for reinforcements.
Toward the middle of the day, the British launched their assault. Although Howe’s second in command, Brig. Gen. Robert Pigot was present and directed the left of the line, Howe also decided to take a stronger role and led the center himself on foot. Howe directed his light infantry to advance along the beach of the Mystic, likely with the hope in mind of getting behind the redoubt. This attack was met and repulsed by New Hampshire militia under Col. John Stark. So too were Howe’s and Pigot’s attacks. Watching his men come stumbling back after the failed attempt prompted Howe to later write “it was a moment I had not felt before.”
In the second assault, Howe attempted to further squeeze off the redoubt, pulling the light infantry from the beach to augment his center. At the same time, Pigot sent the 1st Marine Battalion and the 47th Regiment of Foot to get between Charlestown and the redoubt. During the assault, which also failed, the light infantry fired into the rear of the grenadiers, inflicting casualties.
Once again, the British lurched forward, determined to overwhelm the redoubt by a sheer force of numbers. This time, luck was with them as the militia were running out of ammunition. Francis, Lord Rawdon, an officer in the 5th Regiment of Foot who would go on to distinguish himself in the Southern Campaigns recalled “our men grew impatient, and all crying Push on, Push on, advanced with infinite spirit to attack the work with their small arms. As soon as the rebels perceived this, they rose up and poured in so heavy a fire upon us that the oldest officers say they never saw a sharper action. They kept up this fire until we were within ten yards of them…there are few instances of regular troops defending a redoubt till the enemy were in the very ditch of it.”
The British infantry swarmed into Prescott’s redoubt. Somewhere in the maelstrom was British lieutenant and adjutant of the 1st Marines, John Waller. “Nothing could be more shocking than the carnage that followed the storming of this work,” he wrote “We tumbled over the dead to get at the living who were crowding out of the gorge of the redoubt…’twas streaming with blood and strewed with the dead and dying men, the soldiers stabbing some and dashing out the brains of the others.” The colonials managed to retreat across Charlestown Neck, the British too exhausted to give chase.
Bunker Hill became the first of many pyrrhic victories for the British over the course of the American Revolution. Still, there were a number of shortcomings. Howe, rather than oversee the attacks from Moulton’s Hill, led the assaults himself. Perhaps he needed to inspire his men or he recognized the importance of the situation but he reverted to being a battalion commander. One must wonder whether the initial attacks could have been more effective had he delegated authority and used more of a guiding hand. Howe’s experience that day may have influenced him for the remainder of the war. Rather than rely on frontal assaults, he utilized flanking maneuvers such as those at Long Island and Brandywine. The friendly fire casualties can be attributed to inexperience amongst the ranks. Gage, along with his subordinates also share, the blame for not maintaining operational security and letting their plans slip out of Boston. Additionally, Gage failed to heed the advice of Graves and secure Charlestown Peninsula in April when he had the opportunity. The result nearly two months to the day resulted in over 1,000 British soldiers killed and wounded, a high cost of blood and treasure, in a war that would lead to the independence of the United States.
Shortly after 11 p.m. on the night of June 16, Colonel (although the monument calls him general) William Prescott led approximately 1,200 Massachusetts soldiers toward the Charlestown Peninsula from Cambridge Common. These men would spend the night fortifying Breed’s Hill before spending the majority of the next day defending the earthen redoubt from successive British attacks. Although forced to evacuate due to low ammunition and the British breaching the redoubt, the defeat had a positive impact on the morale of the “Grand Army” as the New England militia soon-to-be-Continental Army.
Emerging Revolutionary War Era 